NPLs soar by over 20pc

 

Lax loan recovery drive to blame

Siddique Islam

Despite close monitoring by the central bank, the amount of non-performing loans (NPLs) jumped by over 20 per cent or Tk 150.37 billion at the end of June this year from December last year.
The volume of NPLs rose to Tk 893.40 billion as of June 30, 2018 from Tk 743.03 billion as of December 31 last. The amount of NPLs was Tk 741.48 billion a year ago.

The share of classified loans reached 10.41 per cent of the total outstanding loans during the period under review than that of 9.31 per cent six months back, according to the central bank's latest statistics.

Lax loan recovery drive in the January-March (Q1) period of this calendar year along with turning of some rescheduled credits into classified loan again during the first six months to June this year have pushed up the overall volume of default loans, according to the senior bankers.

Some fresh loans also became NPLs during the period under review, they added.

The senior bankers, however, said the amount of NPLs might fall in the final quarter of this calendar year mainly due to the upcoming national election.

Some banks have already instructed their divisional and branch offices across the country for taking preparations to recover default loans from possible candidates, they explained.

Talking to the FE, Md Serajul Islam, spokesperson of the Bangladesh Bank (BB), said: "We're trying to contain the volume of NPLs continuously."

Mr Islam, also an executive director of the central bank, said the banks will have to take effective measures to reduce classified loans through strengthening their recovery drives.

Another BB official, however, said the amount of NPLs increased slightly in the second quarter (Q2), but the share of classified loans of the total outstanding credits dropped as of June 30.

The volume of NPLs was Tk 885.89 billion in the first quarter (Q1) of this calendar year while it was 10.78 per cent of the total outstanding credits, the BB data showed.

The NPLs cover substandard, doubtful and bad/loss of total outstanding credits, which stood at Tk 8,585.21 billion as of June 30 last from Tk 7,981.96 billion as of December 31. It was Tk 8,221.37 billion as of March 31, 2018.

"A portion of restructured large loans has already turned into NPLs that also pushed up the overall volume of classified loans in the banking system," Syed Mahbubur Rahman, chairman of the Association of Bankers, Bangladesh (ABB), told the FE while explaining the upward trend in default loans.

The central bank had cleared proposals of 11 business groups for restructuring their large loans worth around Tk 153.26 billion.

A total of 22 commercial banks had earlier forwarded the proposals to the BB for approving the loan restructuring on behalf of their clients.

Mr Rahman, also managing director (MD) and chief executive officer (CEO) of Dhaka Bank Ltd, said the existing upward trend in NPLs may continue in the Q3 of 2018 but he expects that the volume of default loans may fall slightly by the end of this calendar year.

During the first half of the current calendar year, the total amount of NPLs with six state-owned commercial banks (SoCBs) rose to Tk 428.52 billion from Tk 373.26 billion on December 31 last. It was Tk 436.85 billion in the Q1 of 2018.

On the other hand, the total amount of NPLs with 40 private commercial banks (PCBs) reached Tk 389.75 billion as of June 30 last from Tk 293.96 billion in the final quarter of last year. It was Tk 372.89 billion as of March 31 last.

The NPLs from nine foreign commercial banks (FCBs) rose to Tk 22.71 billion during the period under review from Tk 21.54 billion in the Q4 of 2017. It was Tk 21.88 billion in the Q1 of 2018.

The classified loans with two development-finance institutions (DFIs) also came down to Tk 52.41 billion as of June 30 last from Tk 54.26 billion six months ago. It was Tk 54.26 in the Q1 of this calendar year.

Talking to the FE, M A Halim Chowdhury, MD and CEO of Pubali Bank Ltd, said: "Our officials have already started contacting with possible candidates of the upcoming election to recover their default loans."
He also said one or two classified loans have already been recovered from possible candidates.

 

siddique.islam@gmail.com    

Courage: The Financial Express Sep 11, 2018   

Students allegedly in DB custody

Parents deserve answers to their allegations

On September 5, 38 students were picked up by people identifying themselves as members of the Detective Branch from different parts of the capital, according to the students' parents. While 26 of those picked up were eventually released, 12 were allegedly still in custody. In this time these students have not been produced before a court of law, and questions by concerned parents have been met with ambiguous answers.

Families of the 12 students held a press conference on September 9, but even then there has been no clear response from DB officials. What horrifies us more is the parents' claim that their wards have been tortured in custody, which has been confirmed by some of those who have been released. One student was beaten after his hands and legs were tied up and had to be hospitalised after release, said a parent.

And, what exactly is the crime these students are accused of? Reportedly, the students were questioned about their involvement in the quota reform and road safety movements. It has been pointed out that some of those still in custody were not even in Dhaka during the protests. But more importantly, since when is participating in protests and movements a crime in this country? Why should students be harassed and hounded if they exercise their basic rights? As reports continue to show, protesters for quota reform and road safety continue to be harassed, even those out on bail.

The fact that the brother of one of those still allegedly in custody was among those released gives sufficient credence to the claims of these parents. Why is law enforcement silent? It is their duty to justify the logic behind these arrests, investigate why there was a failure in producing them before the court in due time, ensure accountability and take responsibility for the torture these students underwent. If true, what justified the physical and mental trauma that these students were put through? The government should intervene to stop the criminalising of people for their supposed involvement in protests which the government itself publicly has declared to be logical.

Courtesy: The Daily Star Editorial Sep 11, 2018

Digital Security Act: Hardly an improvement on section 57

Says HRW

Star Report

The proposed Digital Security Act to replace section 57 of the ICT Act is in some respects even broader than the one it seeks to replace and violates the country's international obligation to protect freedom of speech, Human Rights Watch says.

Mentioning that Bangladesh will undergo scrutiny of its human rights record at the United Nations Human Rights Council on May 14 as part of a process known as the Universal Periodic Review, the global rights watchdog has suggested that the government take this opportunity to commit to ending its crackdown on dissenting voices and criticism.

The much-debated Digital Security Bill-2018 is now at the parliamentary standing committee on posts, telecommunications and information technology ministry for its scrutiny. The committee has been asked to submit a report to parliament after scrutiny.

HRW, which published a report on Wednesday, said the government should pledge to lead a robust public campaign on the right to free expression.

It should also take strong action against militant groups who seek to suppress free speech by engaging in violent attacks on those holding different religious views, said the New York-based rights body.

The HRW report said scores of people had been arrested over the past five years in Bangladesh under section 57 of the Information and Communication Technology Act for criticising the government, political leaders, and others on Facebook, as well as in blogs, online newspapers, or other social media.

“The government of Bangladesh acknowledges that the current section 57 of the ICT Act is draconian, and needs to go,” said HRW Asia Director Brad Adams.

“But the new law being proposed is hardly an improvement, creating a series of new offences that will undoubtedly be used for years to come against government critics in the country's highly politicised criminal justice system.”

89-page report, “No Place for Criticism: Bangladesh Crackdown on Social Media Commentary” details dozens of arbitrary arrests since the ICT Act-2006 was amended in 2013 to incorporate harsher penalties and allowing the police to make arrests without warrant.

As of April 2018, the police had submitted 1,271 charge sheets to the Cyber Tribunal in Dhaka, claiming sufficient evidence to prosecute under section 57 of the ICT Act.

Press freedom is also under threat from section 57.

Many journalists and editors have been arrested for online articles alleging corruption, maladministration, or criticising particular individuals.

In June 2017, police arrested Golam Mostafa Rafiq, editor of Habiganj Samachar, for an article published in the online edition of the newspaper which speculated a ruling party MP would not get the party nomination.

Others were arrested for offending religious sentiment or for defamation.

The rights body said Bangladesh should hold civil society consultations to ensure that any new law passed to replace section 57 is compatible with its obligations under international law, and protects and respects freedom of speech.

Criminalisation of speech offences should be limited to the worst cases, such as direct incitement to violence, and not for criticism of the authorities or defamation.

Adams said, “Bangladesh authorities should accept that criticism, however unpleasant and hurtful, is part of public life and can serve to correct mistakes and provide redress.

“The government should work with domestic and international experts to draft a new law that fully upholds the principles of free speech and internet freedom.”

Courtesy: The Daily Star Sep 11, 2018

12 students produced in court, finally

Placed on remand

Staff Correspondent

The 12 students picked up by detectives allegedly six days ago were finally produced before a Dhaka court yesterday.

Two cases were filed with Tejgaon Industrial Police Station against them, police said.

In one case, all 12 were accused of assaulting policemen on August 6, while one of them, Tarek Aziz, was made the lone accused in another case filed under Information and Communication Technology Act on a charge of spreading rumours during the student demonstrations for road safety in August.

Each of the 12 students were placed on a two-day remand in the police assault case while Tarek Aziz was place on a further two-day remand in the ICT case.

The development came a day after family members of the 12 alleged that the students had been taken into DB custody on September 5. Police yesterday, however, said they were from picked up from Tejkunipara area on September 9.

The families on Sunday had asked the authorities to either release their children or produce them before a court if they had committed any crimes.

Masudur Rahman, deputy commissioner (Media) of Dhaka Metropolitan Police, yesterday told The Daily Star that the arrestees were leaders and activists of Islami Chhatra Shibir and they had tried to divert the student movement and deteriorate the law and order situation by spreading rumours.

The 12 students are-- Saifullah bin Mansur, Al Amin, Jahirul Islam Hasib, Mujahidul Islam, Jahangir Alam, Gazi M Borhan Uddin, Tarek Aziz, Mahfuz, Raihanul Abedin, Iftekhar Alam, Tarek Aziz and Mehedi Hasan Rajib.

Police claimed they recovered 12 sets of uniforms and 13 fake ID cards of different educational institutions, three laptops and some publications of Islami Chhatra Shibir from the detainees, all of which were collected in a bid to create anarchy during the movement.  

Besides, two of the 12 were among the 400 to 500 students from different colleges and universities, who took to the street in front of Ahsanullah University in Tejgaon Industrial area and threw brickbats at police, leaving at least four policemen injured, police said.

About the families' allegation of their children's confinement, Mashirul Rahman, deputy commissioner of Detective Branch (north) of the DMP, told The Daily Star that the statement of the parents were “not acceptable”.

“Conscious parents never support such acts from their children… The parents do not know what their sons are doing. So their statements are not acceptable,” he said.

Police said the youths were leaders and activist of Shibir and they were involved in spreading rumours, attacking police and writing abusive words on some of the vehicles carrying important persons, including a judge, during the movement.

During a press briefing on Sunday at the Crime Reporters' Association, the family members alleged that many students were picked up from different messes in Tejgaon and Mohakahli on September 5.

All, except the 12, were released.

The family members also alleged that the detainees were tortured in DB custody, an allegation denied by police.

Mansur Rahman said his two sons--Saifullah and Sifat--were picked up from a student mess on that day. Sifat was released a day later while Saifullah was in DB custody, he alleged.

Meanwhile, rights body Ain o Salish Kendra condemned the alleged confinement of the students in DB custody.

Courtesy: The Daily Star Sep 11, 2018

A case, many questions

Bedridden 82-year-old and BNP man who was abroad at the time sued by police over gathering for 'subversive acts'

Chaitanya Chandra Halder, Shariful Islam and Rafiul Islam

Luthful Haque was treated at Labaid hospital in the capital's Dhanmondi for seven days from August 4 for hypertension, diabetes and kidney complications.

His condition was so bad that he was taken to Intensive Care Unit (ICU) and High Dependency Unit (HDU).

Though he returned home on release from hospital on August 11, family members say he is still ill and cannot move without the help of others. He is 82.

Yet police found him among a group of “miscreants from the BNP and its front organisations who gathered in Wari on September 3 as part of a plan to overthrow the government”.

Luthful is one of the 96 who are accused in a case for “assembling” at Bangladesh Boys Club playground on RK Mission Road to carry out “subversive activities”.

Talking to The Daily Star yesterday, his son Rezaul Haque said, “My father cannot move alone. Since he came back from the hospital, he has been bedridden and my mother feeds him. The day police filed the case, my father was home.”

They took the old man to the High Court on a wheelchair seeking bail on September 5, two days after the case was filed with Wari Police Station. The court granted him bail until the charge sheet is submitted.

Rezaul said once his father was involved with the BNP, but for the last six to seven years, he has been very sick and suffering from multiple diseases. Now there is no question of his being involved in politics.

Visiting the Labaid Specialised Hospital yesterday, a reporter of this paper collected Luthful's bill payment receipt that mentioned his age as 82.

Luthful received treatment there from August 4 to 11 and paid a bill of Tk 1,27,865. He was admitted to Cabin No 560.

Three nurses who attended him backed the family's statement about his ailment.

ABROAD, YET SUED

The case also named BNP's ward-level leader Sabbir Ahmed Arif as an accused although he was not in the country when the incident allegedly took place.

His visa, immigration and hotel documents, boarding passes of his flights to and from Kolkata show that he was in India from September 1 to 4. The Daily Star obtained these papers.

“I can't stay home as police are always after me. I was not even spared from being implicated while I was in India,” Sabbir told The Daily Star recently. “It's just to harass me.”

Sabbir is accused No 13 and Luthful alias Abdul Latif is No 51 as per the case document. The Daily Star collected a copy of it.

The story of another accused in the case, Md Ibrahim, a Juba Dal leader of Wari unit, is a bit different.

Before this, he was made an accused in another case, filed with Wari Police Station on November 12 last year, on charges of creating panic among people through subversive activities earlier that month.

Ibrahim was accused No 24 among 44 named and around 50 to 60 unnamed others.

Air tickets, immigration and hotel documents show that he was in Chennai from November 7 to 16. He accompanied his ailing sister Rokeya Islam for her treatment at Apollo Hospitals there.

As his lawyer submitted the paper to a Dhaka court on December 19 last year, the court granted him bail. After reviewing the documents, the magistrate in his order said it is evident that during the time of occurrence Ibrahim was out of the country.

Ibrahim, now facing 16 cases, said he was in the country on September 3 but had no involvement in any such incident.

The complainant, Sub-Inspector Utpal Datta Apu of Wari Police Station, in the case statement mentioned that after a tip-off, he along with other policemen went near Bangladesh Boys Club playground at 11:55am on September 3 but the miscreants fled away.ater, quizzing people at the scene, it was learnt that 96 identified and many unknown others assembled there to carry out subversive activities, he said.

Visiting the playground around 10:30am yesterday, a reporter of this paper found over a dozen youths playing cricket there.

Asked about BNP men's alleged gathering on September 3, one of them said, “We play here every day. We neither saw nor heard about any such incident.”

At least 10 people living around the playground said they did not see any chaos on that day.

The case was filed at 2:05pm and it mentioned the incident occurred at 11:55am, just hours ago. 

The case statement said the BNP men fled as soon as police reached near the playground.

During the visit yesterday, it was found that the playground is fenced with an eight-foot wall and a lone entry-exit point.

Utpal said in the case that he came to know about the accused from locals near the place of occurrence and shopkeepers on the roadside footpath.

Talking to The Daily Star, employees and owners of at least 15 nearby shops said no such incident happened recently.

“I just came to know about it from you ... BNP men gathered on the playground!” said a shopkeeper, bursting into laughter.

“How can such a big gathering go unnoticed when even the news of the arrest of a small drug peddler or addict spread rapidly in the area?” asked another trader.

Utpal refused to make any comment over the phone when he wacontacted yesterday.

Azizur Rahman, officer-in-charge of Wari Police Station, said, “I will not discuss it over the phone. Come to my office and have a cup of tea.”

Asked about accusing an 82-year-old sick man and a man who was in India on the day of the alleged incident, Sohel Rana, assistant inspector general (media and PR) at Police Headquarters, said they would investigate if there is any such irregularity.

DEAD MAN SUED

On Sunday, Bangla Daily Prothom Alo reported that BNP's Chawkbazar thana convenor Abul Azizullah, who died in May 2016, was made an accused in a case filed 28 months after his death.

According to the statement of the case filed on September 5 with Chawkbazar Police Station, Azizullah threw brickbats with other leaders and activists in Old Central Jail area that day. He even blasted cocktails with other leaders and workers.

Complainant of the case, SI Kamal Uddin, told this paper yesterday that he named the accused as per statements of witnesses following the incident. He did not get enough time to verify.

The investigation officer will correct it if anyone named as accused died earlier, he added.

THE HABIGANJ CASES

Meanwhile, in Habiganj district, where there were no safe road agitations of students, 10 cases were filed with four police stations, mentioning violence relating to the protest and accusing unnamed people.

Bidhan Tripura, police superintendent of Habiganj district, said these cases were filed after being confirmed that some incidents happened during the safe road agitation.

On August 12, SI Nazmul Islam of Habiganj Sadar Police Station filed a case with the station accusing 70 to 80 unknown miscreants who allegedly engaged in criminal activities by destroying vehicles and government property in front of JK High School of the town.

The incidents took place on July 30, according to case statement.

That day, SI Abdur Rahim of the same station filed another case accusing 100 to 120 unknown miscreants alleging that they carried out criminal activities in front of Brindaban College on July 31.

Our Sylhet correspondent reported that no such incidents of violence occurred in those areas on July 30 or 31 and no students took to the streets in the district supporting the safe road movement.

Students of schools and colleges in Dhaka began an unprecedented protest after killing of their two peers in a road accident in the city on July 29. It continued for over a week.

“This is not mandatory to file cases right after the incidents and police filed these cases after primary inquiry,” said Bidhan.

“Unknown people were made accused as no particular names were found. But this is not to harass anyone. These cases are under progress and police are investigating those.”

[Shaheen Mollah and Doha Chowdhury contributed to this report]

   Courtesy: The Daily Star Sep 11, 2018

এক চোখে নির্বাচন, অন্য চোখে আদালত

মিজানুর রহমান খান

কোনো তর্ক হলেই আমরা বলি, আইনে কোথায় কী আছে। শাহদীন মালিক প্রথম আলোকে বলেছেন, দেশে কত মামলা। জেনারেল এরশাদ মঞ্জুর হত্যা মামলায় অভিযুক্ত। সেই বিচারের খবর নেই। আরও কত মামলা আছে, তার গতি জানি না। আবার কোনো কোনো মামলার অসম্ভব গতি। তাই যেখানেই ‘তড়িঘড়ি’ সেখানেই একটি উদ্দেশ্যপ্রণোদিত বিষয় থাকতে পারে বলে আমজনতার মনে একটা দ্বিধাদ্বন্দ্ব থাকতেই পারে।

জিয়া অরফানেজ ট্রাস্ট মামলায় খালেদা জিয়া দণ্ডিত হয়েছেন বলে জিয়া চ্যারিটেবল ট্রাস্ট মামলারও রায় দ্রুত হতেই হবে, এমন বাধ্যবাধকতা আইনে নেই। আবার এই যে ‘আইনে নেই’ প্রসঙ্গটি তোলা হলো, সেটা কি সংবিধানসম্মত? কেউ সংবিধান দেখিয়ে বলতে পারেন, দ্রুত বিচার তো প্রত্যাশিত। দ্রুত আর তড়িঘড়ির মধ্যে কী পার্থক্য? রাষ্ট্র বলবে দ্রুত, আসামিপক্ষ বলবে তড়িঘড়ি। কিন্তু কখনোই আইনের আপন গতিকে আমরা বিদ্যমান রাজনৈতিক পরিস্থিতি থেকে আলাদা করতে পারি না। মঞ্জুর হত্যার মতো আর কত মামলা আছে, সেখানে রাষ্ট্রের কাছে আমরা দ্রুত বিচার চাই। কিন্তু রাষ্ট্র তা চায় না। সুতরাং রাষ্ট্র যখন দ্রুত বিচার বলে, তখন আমরা ন্যায়বিচারই বুঝব, তেমনটা সত্য নয়, বাস্তবতা নয়।

আগামী অক্টোবরে নির্বাচনী তফসিল হতে পারে। তার আগে নির্বাচনকালীন সরকার গঠিত হবে। এখন সবার চোখ আটকে থাকার কথা কেবল নির্বাচনের দিকে। অথচ সবার চোখ এখন আদালতের দিকেও। নির্বাচন যত ঘনিয়ে আসছে, ততই রাজনৈতিকভাবে স্পর্শকাতর মামলাগুলোর রায় এগিয়ে আসছে। এবার এই যে একটি পরিস্থিতি তৈরি হলো, সেটা কতটা সুচিন্তিত, কতটা কাকতালীয়, সেটা একটা বড় প্রশ্ন। তবে অনেকে যাঁরা পূর্বাভাস দিয়েছিলেন যে বিদায়ী প্রধান বিচারপতিকে পদাধিকারবলে প্রধান উপদেষ্টা করার বিধান বাতিল করে আমরা প্রাক্নির্বাচনী রাজনীতিতে আদালতকে অপ্রাসঙ্গিক করব; তাঁদের ভুল ভাঙছে। ২০১৪ সালের নির্বাচনের অনেক আগেই তত্ত্বাবধায়ক সরকারব্যবস্থা বাতিল করেছেন আদালত। কিন্তু দুই মেয়াদে সংসদ নির্বাচন করার বিধান করায় আদালত নির্বাচনী রাজনীতিতে আলোচনার খোরাক ছিলেন। এখন আশঙ্কা করি, আদালত সামনের দিনগুলোতে আরও বেশি আলোচনার বিষয় হয়ে থাকবেন। কারণ, বিচার বিভাগ চলমান ঘটনাপ্রবাহের সঙ্গে এমন অঙ্গাঙ্গিভাবে জড়িয়ে গেছে, এটা আর পিছু ছাড়বে বলে মনে হয় না।

সংবিধানের ৩৫ অনুচ্ছেদটি অনেক দিন পর দুই বড় দলের বিবদমান বড় নেতাদের বিতর্কের কেন্দ্রবিন্দুতে এসেছে। মওদুদ আহমদ বলেছেন, ৩৫ (৩) অনুচ্ছেদ বলেছে, অভিযুক্ত প্রকাশ্য বিচার লাভের অধিকারী। এখন প্রকাশ্য শব্দটি কীভাবে ‘ক্যামেরা’ বা গোপন বিচার হলো, সেটা একটা প্রশ্ন। কারাগারে আদালত বসানোর অভিযোগ তুলেছে বিএনপি। আওয়ামী লীগের সাধারণ সম্পাদক ওবায়দুল কাদের বলেছেন, সংবিধানের কোথায় আছে, কারাগারে আদালত বসানো যাবে না। কেউ হয়তো যুক্তি দেবেন, একটা উত্তর তো তাঁর প্রশ্নেই রয়েছে। একটি কক্ষ যদি ‘কারাগার’ হিসেবেই আইন দ্বারা নির্দিষ্ট থাকে, তাহলে সেই একই কক্ষ বা স্থান কী করে আইন দ্বারা ‘আদালত’ হিসেবে চিহ্নিত হতে পারে। ঢাকার কেন্দ্রীয় কারাগার আইন দ্বারা পরিত্যক্ত ঘোষণা করা হয়েছে। সেই এলাকার একটি অংশকে আইন দ্বারা ‘সাবজেল’ ঘোষণা করা হয়েছে বলে জানি না।

নব্বইয়ের আন্দোলনে এরশাদের পতনের পর গুলশানের একটি বাড়িকে সাবজেল ঘোষণা করে এরশাদকে এবং নিকট অতীতে সাবজেল ঘোষণা করে দুই নেত্রীকে রাখা হয়েছিল। সামরিক আমলে কর্নেল তাহেরের বিচার কারাগারে হয়েছিল। সেই বিচার ইতিহাসে নিন্দিত হয়েছে। পরিত্যক্ত কারাগারের একটি অংশকে কেন সাবজেল করতে হলো, তাতে শুধু ‘আইন’ নেই, রাজনীতিও আছে। এরশাদ গুলশানের সাবজেলে ‘আরামে’ আছেন, এর বিরুদ্ধে সংসদে বিরোধীদলীয় নেতা তপ্ত বক্তৃতা করেন। এর পরপরই এরশাদকে নাজিমুদ্দিন রোডের এই কারাগারেই সেদিন তড়িঘড়ি করে পাঠিয়েছিলেন তৎকালীন প্রধানমন্ত্রী খালেদা জিয়া।

তবে এই প্রসঙ্গে আমরা আরেকবার স্মরণে আনব যে ৩৫ (৩) অনুচ্ছেদটি বলেছে, ‘ফৌজদারি অপরাধের দায়ে অভিযুক্ত প্রত্যেক ব্যক্তি আইনের দ্বারা প্রতিষ্ঠিত স্বাধীন ও নিরপেক্ষ আদালত বা ট্রাইব্যুনালে দ্রুত ও প্রকাশ্য বিচার লাভের অধিকারী হইবেন।’ ১৯৯০ সালের পর সংবিধানে সাতটি সংশোধনী আনা সত্ত্বেও ৩৫ (৩) অকার্যকর থেকেছে। ‘প্রত্যেক ব্যক্তি’-র জন্য অভিন্ন কোনো পন্থা নেই। গ্রেপ্তার, জামিন কিংবা বিচার যা-ই বলুন, ‘কারও জন্য দ্রুত কারও জন্য শম্বুক’, গত প্রায় তিন দশক এটাই বাস্তবতা। অভিযুক্ত ব্যক্তি যদি রাজনীতিক হন, তাহলে ক্ষমতাসীন দলের সঙ্গে তাঁর সম্পর্ক মামলায় দ্রুত কিংবা ঢিমেতালের মাত্রাটা ঠিক করে দেবে। কিন্তু দুই দলই নাগরিকের দ্রুত বিচার লাভের মৌলিক অধিকার প্রকারান্তরে নিজস্ব রাষ্ট্র বিবেচনায় পদ্ধতিগতভাবে অস্বীকার করে চলছে। এর প্রমাণ, তারা অভ্যাসগতভাবে বিচার বিভাগ পৃথক্করণ ও বিচারপতি নিয়োগের আইন করেনি।

এটা মনে রেখে সচেতন নাগরিকেরা কারাগার বা আদালত বিষয়ে উতলা বা নিরাসক্ত থাকবেন। সরকারি আদেশ আদালত স্থানান্তরের কারণ হিসেবে বলেছে, ‘বর্ণিত বিচার কার্যক্রম চলাকালীন এলাকাটি (আলিয়া মাদ্রাসার মাঠ) জনাকীর্ণ থাকে বিধায় নিরাপত্তাজনিত কারণে’ ১২৫ নম্বর নাজিমুদ্দিন রোডে অবস্থিত পুরাতন ঢাকা কেন্দ্রীয় কারাগারের প্রশাসনিক ভবনের কক্ষ নং ৭-এর অস্থায়ী আদালতে বিচার কার্যক্রম চলবে। কারাগারের কোনো অংশকে আদালত বলা যায় কি না, এর আইনি দিকের চেয়ে জোরালো হলো রাজনৈতিক দিক। রাষ্ট্রপক্ষ বলছে, ১৪টি হাজিরার তারিখে জিয়া চ্যারিটেবল মামলায় খালেদা জিয়া গরহাজির ছিলেন। দণ্ডিত হওয়ার পর তিনি আর যাননি।

জিয়া চ্যারিটেবল ট্রাস্ট মামলায় কয়েক মাসের ব্যবধানে ১৪টি তারিখ পড়ার সঙ্গে তুলনা করা চলে অতীতের আর কোনো দুর্নীতি বা অপরাধের মামলা, যাতে ক্ষমতাসীন দল বা তার আশীর্বাদপুষ্ট কেউ জড়িত আছেন, সেসব ক্ষেত্রে আমরা এমন গতি দেখি না। সুতরাং প্রতিপক্ষের মধ্যে পাল্টাপাল্টি অভিযোগের সত্যতা কমবেশি আছে। উভয়ের এই অবস্থান আইনের শাসনকে আঘাত করে। নাগরিক স্বার্থ ক্ষতিগ্রস্ত হয়। জিয়া চ্যারিটেবলে খালেদা জিয়ার কৌশল সরকারি মহলকে কোণঠাসা করতে পারে। কারণ, জামিনে থেকে আদালতে না এলে তাঁকে ‘পলাতক’ দেখিয়ে তাঁর অনুপস্থিতিতে রায় ঘোষণা সম্ভব ছিল। এখন ‘যত খুশি সাজা দিন’ বলে সত্যি আর না এলে তাঁকে পলাতক বলা যাবে না। আবার আসামিপক্ষকে না শুনে রায় ঘোষণা করাও সহজ হবে না। সুতরাং এই মামলাটি আটকে গেলেও যেতে পারে।

এই সরকারের দ্বিতীয় মেয়াদের শুরুতেই ২১ আগস্টের গ্রেনেড হামলার রায় প্রত্যাশিত ছিল। কিন্তু কেন জানি গতি ছিল না। শেষ পর্যন্ত নির্বাচনী ডামাডোলে তা ‘আপন গতি’ পেয়েছে বলে মনে হয়। ১২ সেপ্টেম্বরে রায় ঘোষণার তারিখ জানা যেতে পারে। তবে আদালত-বিষয়ক ও নির্বাচনমুখী এসব অগ্রগতির মধ্যে মন্ত্রী মোফাজ্জল হোসেন চৌধুরী মায়ার দুর্নীতির মামলার একটি রায় ঘনিয়ে আসছে। এটি বেশ তাৎপর্যপূর্ণ। কারণ, দণ্ডিত থেকেও তিনি জামিনে আছেন বলে তাঁর মন্ত্রিত্ব বহাল আছে। তাঁর দণ্ড কোনো কারণে বহাল থাকে, তাহলে তফসিল ঘোষণার পর খালেদা জিয়া ও মায়ার আইনি অবস্থান একই হবে। যদি আদালতে তাঁর দণ্ড চলে যায়, তাহলে খালেদা জিয়া ও তাঁর অবস্থান এক থাকবে না। খালেদা জিয়ার দণ্ড স্থগিত হয়নি। তাই আশঙ্কা আছে, এ কারণে তাঁর মনোনয়নপত্র বাতিল হতে পারে। এমনতর অনুশীলনের পক্ষে রায় আছে। আবার নিতান্ত আপিল করেও নির্বাচন করার নজির আছে। দুই ধরনের রায় আছে।

সুতরাং আমরা একটা সময় পার করতে যাচ্ছি, যখন এক চোখে নির্বাচন, অন্য চোখ আদালতেই আটকে থাকবে।

কার্টসিঃ প্রথম আলো/সম্পাদক/ সেপ্টেম্বর ১০,২০১৮ 

ইসির স্বাধীন সত্তার পরিচয় কোথায়?

সাংবিধানিক প্রতিষ্ঠানগুলোর মধ্যে নির্বাচন কমিশন নানা কারণে ব্যতিক্রম। এই সংস্থাটির প্রতিটি কার্যক্রম এবং পদক্ষেপের দিকে জনগণের সজাগ দৃষ্টি বা নিবিড় নজরদারি থাকে। বিশেষ করে, তার কার্যক্রম পরিচালনায় সরকারের মুখাপেক্ষী থাকার দিকটিই সবচেয়ে বেশি আলোচনার বিষয়বস্তু বলে গণ্য হয়। ইভিএম বিতর্কের পরে নতুন বিতর্ক হলো জাতীয় নির্বাচনের দিনক্ষণ স্থির করা। একজন জ্যেষ্ঠ মন্ত্রী জাতীয় নির্বাচনের তারিখ সম্পর্কে মন্তব্য করায় সিইসি উষ্মা প্রকাশ করেছেন। কিন্তু আমরা যদি বর্তমান নির্বাচন কমিশনের গঠন থেকে এ পর্যন্ত তার সব কর্মকাণ্ডকে বিচার-বিশ্লেষণ করি, তাহলে এটাই স্পষ্ট যে তারা অধিকাংশ সময় ক্ষমতাসীন দলের অগ্রাধিকারকে প্রাধান্য দেওয়ার প্রবণতা দেখিয়েছে।

এ কথা স্থানীয় সরকারের নির্বাচন থেকে শুরু করে প্রতিটি নির্বাচনকেন্দ্রিক তৎপরতার বিষয়ে কম-বেশি সত্য। সার্বিক বিচারে ইসির স্বাধীন সত্তা কতটা কার্যকর, সেটা একটা জ্বলন্ত প্রশ্ন হয়েই আছে। এটা স্বাভাবিক প্রত্যাশা যে রাষ্ট্র পরিচালনায় সরকার এবং নির্বাচন অনুষ্ঠান পরিচালনায় ইসির নেতৃত্ব সাধারণ মানুষের কাছে অত্যন্ত স্পষ্ট থাকবে। কিন্তু বিভিন্ন ঘটনায় দেখা যাচ্ছে, নির্বাচন পরিচালনা-সংক্রান্ত নীতিনির্ধারণে ইসির চেয়ে সরকারের প্রভাবটাই বেশি। সরকার চায় না, কিন্তু ইসি তাকে মেনে নিতে বাধ্য করেছে কিংবা আইনের আওতায় থেকেই তেমন কোনো তৎপরতায় ইসি নিজেকে যুক্ত করেছে, তেমন উদাহরণ বিরল কিংবা অনুপস্থিত।   

ঢাকা উত্তর সিটি নির্বাচন তেমনই একটি উদাহরণ। গত ৩০ নভেম্বর মেয়র আনিসুল হকের আকস্মিক মৃত্যুর পর ডিএনসিসির মেয়র পদে উপনির্বাচনের তফসিল ঘোষণা করেছিল ইসি। গত ২৬ ফেব্রুয়ারি ডিএনসিসির মেয়র পদসহ ঢাকার দুই সিটি করপোরেশনে নতুন যুক্ত হওয়া ১৮টি করে ৩৬টি সাধারণ ওয়ার্ড এবং ৬টি করে ১২টি সংরক্ষিত ওয়ার্ডের ভোট হওয়ার কথা ছিল। কিন্তু ওই নির্বাচনী তফসিলের বৈধতা চ্যালেঞ্জ করে হাইকোর্টে দুটি রিট করা হয়। ওই দুটি রিটের পরিপ্রেক্ষিতে গত ১৭ জানুয়ারি হাইকোর্ট বিভাগের একটি দ্বৈত বেঞ্চ উত্তর সিটি করপোরেশনের নির্বাচনের ওপর স্থগিতাদেশ দেন।

পত্রিকান্তরের প্রতিবেদন সাক্ষ্য দেবে যে তফসিল ঘোষণার পরে ইসিকে উপযুক্তভাবে না শুনে কোনো নির্বাচন স্থগিত করার বিষয়ে সংবিধানে যে রক্ষাকবচ ছিল, ইসি তার সুরক্ষা দিতে ব্যর্থ হয়েছে। সরকারের মতো তারাও আদালতের কাঁধে বন্দুক রেখে নিজেদের কর্তব্য অবহেলাকে ধামাচাপা দেওয়ার চেষ্টা চালিয়েছে। ইসির আইনজীবীকে আমরা কেন নির্বাচন বন্ধ করা সমীচীন হবে না, সে বিষয়ে শুনানিতে দৃঢ় ভূমিকা রাখতে দেখিনি। অথচ তাঁদের এটা বলার সুযোগ ছিল যে রিট দায়েরকারীরা পরিচ্ছন্ন হাতে আসেননি।

এটা প্রতীয়মান হয়েছে যে সরকারি দল যেকোনো বিবেচনাতেই হোক সাধারণ নির্বাচনের বছরে খোদ রাজধানীতে পরাজয় মেনে নেওয়া কিংবা বিতর্কিত কোনো ভোটের অনুষ্ঠান না করাকেই শ্রেয় মনে করেছে। গণমাধ্যমে তীব্র সমালোচনার মুখে ইসি নামকাওয়াস্তে হাইকোর্টের রায়ের বিরুদ্ধে আপিল করেছিল। কিন্তু সেখানে তারা রাষ্ট্রপক্ষের অনীহাকে পরাস্ত করে শুনানির কোনো চেষ্টা করেছে বলে ইসির কোনো মুখপাত্র আমাদের নিশ্চিত করেননি।

এমনকি আমরা ৮ সেপ্টেম্বর ইসি সূত্রে এটা জেনে বিস্মিত যে গত জানুয়ারিতে দেওয়া ছয় মাসের স্থগিতাদেশের সময়সীমা অতিক্রান্ত হয়েছে। কিন্তু ইসি এই মামলার শুনানি শুরু করতে সচেষ্ট ছিল না। বরং রিট আবেদনকারীদের অনুকূলে আদালত সম্প্রতি স্থগিতাদেশের সময়সীমা সম্প্রসারিত করেছেন। এর অর্থ হলো রাজধানীবাসীর মেয়র নির্বাচনের অধিকার অনিশ্চিতই থাকল। আমরা আশা করব, ডিএনসিসি নির্বাচন নিশ্চিত করতে ইসি আদালতে তার লড়াইয়ে যথাযথ ভূমিকা রাখবে। অন্যথায় তার স্বাধীন সত্তার দাবি প্রশ্নবিদ্ধই থাকবে।

• কার্টসিঃ প্রথম আলো/সম্পাদক/ সেপ্টেম্বর ১০,২০১৮ 

Handloom industry in the doldrums

Number of handloom units drops to 45,000 in 2017 from 0.1 million in 2003

The number of handloom units has registered a sharp fall mainly due to a continuous growth of powerlooms and dyeing factories in the country over the years, according to a study.

A gradual change in women's dress habit and fashions is also responsible for such a situation.

As a result, the number of handlooms has dropped to 45,000 in the country in 2017 compared to 0.1 million in 2003, said a recent study conducted by Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies (BIDS). Some 165,000 handlooms were in operation in the country in 1990, it added.

The objective of the study was to look into the existing status of the country's handloom industry in reference to the past and formulate a hypothesis on the future standing.

The study was conducted based on secondary materials drawn from desk review of available published and unpublished documents and primary information gathered from field visits to important handloom concentration areas and also some selective areas producing artistically-designed delicate fabrics.

The rate of decline in the establishments and employment during 1990-2003 was estimated at 3.8 per cent and 1.31 per cent respectively. The corresponding rate was estimated at 5.0 per cent and 6.80 per cent for the period 2003-2013.

The handloom industry has taken its own course of transition to powerloom.

The decline in the number of handloom units has to have serious implications for labour displacements and unemployment.

It was reported that the labourers already displaced were mostly absorbed in other sectors like the readymade garment industry and rural transportation (non-motorised vehicles such as rickshaw-van and motorised vehicles like motorcycles and scooters).

Many displaced workers from handlooms found overseas employment as well.

The factors accountable for the long-term growth of the handloom industry during 1947-1990 include a favourable government policy towards protecting handlooms by adopting some fiscal measures against competition from mills and imports.

Consumers' preference for handlooms in the main lines of production such as cotton saris and lungis, production of certain specialised fabrics and cheap supplies of outside labour, especially female and child workers are the factors for the industry's growth, the study added.

National Association of Small & Cottage Industries of Bangladesh (NASCIB) president Mirza Nurul Ghani Shovon told the FE that handloom is an ancient industry which should be revived and protected by providing financial and policy support to entrepreneurs.

The handloom industry can maintain high quality products like saris or others, but powerloom cannot do such, he added.

Earlier, Bangladesh Handloom Board provided raw materials to the handloom industry, but it stopped later. It was a big blow for the industry, he said.

Besides, entrepreneurs used to get loan on easy-term, Mr Shovon said.

The handloom board should play an effective role in reviving the industry. Proper patronisation by the government can revive the industry again, he said.

Dr Muhammad Abdul Latif, former director of Institute of Microfinance, laid emphasis on shifting the handloom industry into powerloom.

With the passage of time, the people have been trendy and fashionable and advanced technology has been developed, so the industry is turning into powerloom, he told the FE.

Even the employees of the industry are not out of job as they are joining powerloom, readymade garment and other sectors, he said.

Dr Nazneen Ahmed, senior research fellow at Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies (BIDS), said the government should turn the handloom industry into powerloom industry.

"The government can declare many of the handloom products as heritage," she told the FE.

It is true that the handloom industry cannot compete with the powerloom industry due to technological advancement, Ms Ahmed said.

• Courtesy: The Financial Express /Sep 10, 2018

Farmers Bank bonds: Four SoCBs, ICB to invest Tk 10b

Four state-owned commercial banks (SoCB) and a financial institution will invest Tk 10 billion (1000 crore) more in the troubled Farmers Bank Limited (FBL) through subscribing subordinated bonds.

The latest development came in a review meeting of the FBL held at the central bank headquarters in Dhaka on Sunday with Bangladesh Bank (BB) Governor Fazle Kabir in the chair.

Under the latest decision, taken by the board of directors of the FBL earlier, Sonali Bank Limited will subscribe to bonds worth Tk 3.0 billion while the Investment Corporation of Bangladesh (ICB) will invest Tk 1.0 billion in the bonds.

Three other SoCBs -Janata, Agrani and Rupali - will subscribe to bonds worth Tk 2.0 billion each, according to sources both at the BB and the FBL.

Earlier four SoCBs and the ICB were included in the reconstituted board of the private commercial bank (PCB) as directors on their injection of Tk 7.15 billion as equity into the FBL in a bid to rescue it.

The meeting reviewed the latest overall performance of the troubled fourth generation PCB and advised the top management of the bank to gear up their ongoing recovery drives.

Among others, Banking Reform Adviser of the BB SK Sur Chowdhury and Deputy Governors of the central bank Abu Hena Mohd. Razee Hassan and SM Moniruzzaman took part in the meeting.

On the other hand, members of the FBL board including its Chairman Chowdhury Nafeez Sarafat and Managing Director (MD) and Chief Executive Officer (CEO) Ehsan Khasru attended the meeting.

At the meeting, FBL MD and CEO Ehsan Khasru presented a performance report on the bank highlighting the latest state of key indicators of the bank.

When contacted, the FBL MD said: "The floating of subordinated bonds will be completed in two phases."

The process of issuing bonds worth Tk 5.0 billion has already started under phase-I that would end by the current month, he added.

"Phase-II will start from October, 2018," the senior banker explained.

Earlier, the central bank of Bangladesh and the Bangladesh Securities and Exchange Commission (BSEC) had given permissions to the FBL to float subordinated bonds worth Tk 10 billion aiming to enhance their capital base. "We've given permission on issuance of bonds to the bank to help strengthen their capital base in line with the Basel-III framework," a BB senior official told the FE earlier.

He also said the bonds would also help the bank meet their capital problem. "The bank is allowed to use the proceeds from sales of the bonds to meet its own requirement."

Earlier on January 14, Chowdhury Nafeez Sarafat was elected new chairman of the Farmers Bank, replacing Mohammad Masud.

The board of directors of the bank was reconstituted with the election of a new chairman and a vice-chairman on November 27 last. Mohammad Masud and Maruf Alam had been elected chairman and vice-chairman respectively then. The same day, Muhiuddin Khan Alamgir, a ruling Awami League lawmaker and former minister, resigned as the bank's chairman. The bank's audit-committee chairman and director Mahabubul Haque Chisty, alias Babul Chisty, also stepped down.

On December 19 last, the central bank removed the Farmers Bank's MD and CEO AKM Shameem over failure in liquidity management.

The central bank appointed an observer to the FBL on January 13, 2016 for improving its financial health through strengthening monitoring and supervision of the bank's operations.

The BB's observer appointment came after detecting irregularities in sanctioning and disbursing loans and hiding information on non-performing loans amounting to around Tk 4.0 billion in the FBL.

Three central bank investigation teams found the irregularities in inspections at the bank's Gulshan, Motijheel and Shyampur branches in the capital between September and November 2015.

The FBL started its journey on June 03, 2013 aiming to provide efficient banking services to all levels of customers and thus contribute to socio-economic development of the country.

•  Courtesy: The Financial Express /Sep 10, 2018

Regional lending gap threatens SDGs

Urban areas get 90pc advances, though rural areas contribute 20pc deposits

The big regional lending gap emerged one of the major barriers to the country's financial institutions (FIs) in achieving SDGs (sustainable development goals), according to a study released on Sunday.

The study report of the Bangladesh Institute of Bank Management (BIBM) titled "Achieving SDGs in Bangladesh: The role of banking sector" found almost 85 per cent of the banks' advances are concentrated only in Dhaka (66.18%) and Chattogram (18.80%) in 2017.

Six other regions are getting 0nly 20 per cent of the overall loans which experts term lending inequality, not suitable for achieving SDGs by 2030.

Of the regions, Barishal (1.27 %) received the lowest volume of loans while Khulna, Rajshahi, Rangpur, Mymensingh and Sylhet got 4.10 per cent, 4.03 per cent, 2.41 per cent, 1.62 per cent and 1.59 per cent respectively.

Other factors like the growing volume of NPL (non-performing loans) coupled with the declining trend of small and medium enterprise (SME) financing also pose a threat to establishing a sustainable financial sector in the country.

The study report was shared at a seminar in the city on the day. Senior bankers and financial market analysts at the seminar suggested creation of quality liquidity demand all over the country.

They also attached importance to further focus on the SMEs and prevent the scope of capital flight.

Sharing the findings, professor and director of Dhaka School of Bank Management (DSBM) said most of the banking resources concentrated in urban areas.

"Almost 90 per cent of the advances focus on urban areas although rural areas contributed 20 per cent of the deposits. This is unfair," he said. In SME financing, 17.35 per cent of the loans were disbursed in 2017 against 14.51 per cent in 2010. "So, the progress is quite slow here," he added.

BIBM supernumerary professor Md. Yasin Ali said the country needed to ensure access to finance for all so that not a single piece of land remains unutilised due to lack of capital.

He was critical of too many service charges imposed in various forms by the banks.

Talking about the recent cuts in lending and deposit rates, he said the sector needs a comprehensive study to see whether the banks reduce the lending rate.

But, the banks did not wait to implement the reduced deposit rate of 6.0 per cent. "If we calculate inflation rate of 5.7 per cent with inclusion of VAT, taxes and too many service charges of the banks, it is not suitable for financial inclusion," he said.

He laid emphasis on ensuring financial literacy at all stages for a sustainable financial sector.

Keeping cost of fund into consideration, he also recommended expansion of services like agent banking in bringing more unbanked people under the banking coverage instead of expanding branches.

Managing Director and CEO (chief executive officer) of Trust Bank Limited Faruq Mainuddiun Ahmed said the commercial banks were supposed to deal with working capital but they have been investing for industrialisation.

"This is because of complete failure of the financial bodies in the area of industrialisation. We have good policy direction but not the mindset to implement those. That is the main problem," he added.

Managing Director of Bangladesh Krishi Bank Md Ali Hossain Prodhania said the public borrowing would go up in the coming years to meet the requirements for achieving SDGs that might put pressure on banks.

"It would reduce loanable amount of money," he said.

Terming imbalanced growth in deposits (8.0 per cent) and credit (16 per cent) a serious concern for ensuring access to finance, he said the gap needed to be minimised.

Chairing the seminar, Dr. Muzaffar Ahmed Chair Professor Dr Barkat-e-Khuda said the country needs US$928.48 billion to achieve the SDGs by 2030 and 42 per cent will come from the private sector.

"That means, we've to increase private investment but the private investment-GDP ratio remains stagnant at 22 per cent," he said. Talking about the regional lending gap, he advised the government to increase demand for finance in the rural areas, because banks will go to areas where liquidity demand is higher.

He also placed several suggestions like increasing tax-GDP (gross domestic product) ratio, plugging the scope of capital flight.

• Courtesy: The Financial Express/ Sep 10, 2018