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Saturday, January 14, 2017

Between and betwixt freedom and fear

By Fazal M. Kamal


Since women and men don’t live by bread alone it obviously follows that they can’t live only by economics either. And even that is coming under pressure for any number of causes in recent times. Humans, by nature and as has been repeatedly proven over historical time, seek after a point certain intangibles and perhaps even the metaphysical, verging on the sublime, to feel content (provided they ever do; but that’s one whole other story).


In Bangladesh, as has also been previously attempted in many other countries, the notion that is being promoted with some zeal is that development and economic progress should suffice for the nation. And on the other hand, restricting in extreme proportions dissent and criticism, and strangulating opposition politics are prices that ought to be worth paying since the administration is offering muscular statistics that should please.


That, it must be underlined, is a proposal that has lived past its sell-by date and, to some extent, even in a place like China where people have existed through numerous emperors and invaders; and even Russia has experienced stirrings of opposition to the iron hand of Kremlin residents in spite of inexplicable deaths and detentions on murky pretexts. But of course one can say little about some so-called “newly-independent” states mostly in Central Asia and Eastern Europe where a number of rulers with the assiduous support of henchmen have continued to lord it over while avariciously enriching themselves.


But to cut to the chase in this instance, despite the numbers and figures proudly proclaimed by government spokespersons, it is indubitable that a disquiet of one degree or another does vex the nation. And this in spite of or perhaps because of flagrant flackery in circles normally extant in stratospheric regions. The stifling of voices other than those preferred by the powers that be, definitely, also doesn’t help improve the situation; rather it takes on the power to aggravate several degrees more. Consequently, at some point the wonderful taste of success morphs into distasteful excesses.


One reality at present that cannot be emphasized enough is the fact relating to deaths happening every single day in unexplained circumstances and corpses being discovered all across the country, as if society has gone berserk, and this deadly fact doesn’t include what has come to be described as extrajudicial annihilation in so-called shootouts a la Wild Wild West, as it were. Or not, maybe. What, however, makes all of this more unpalatable is the inability of the law enforcement machinery to stanch the persistent slide in this murderous direction.

It has to be noted by administration leaders---though not all of them will have the ability to do so---that you can squelch thoughts critical of government policies and/or decisions, you can muzzle dissent that isn’t meant to harm anyone specifically, and you can curb the activities of the political adversaries only up to some, perhaps, unspecified point; but after that it becomes a futile exercise (as has been demonstrated repeatedly over the centuries) and this may even come back to gnash into your gluteus maximus. Not an actuality that hasn’t been known to occur often over the eons.


In this context it is valid to note an observation made recently by Human Rights Watch: “The rise of populist leaders in the United States and Europe poses a dangerous threat to basic rights protections while encouraging abuse by autocrats around the world. Donald Trump’s election as US president after a campaign fomenting hatred and intolerance, and the rising influence of political parties in Europe that reject universal rights, have put the postwar human rights system at risk.” It added that “demagogues threaten human rights” in these present times.

The perennial fear is that governments appealing to the most basic instincts and base nature of the electorate, as underscored in the above paragraph, can and mostly likely will act on their crudest tenets when push comes to shove, as the phrase goes. To one extent or perhaps to another, Bangladesh over the decades has already tasted this type of abomination. But the greater worry is that as the world has continued to evolve, so has the poisonous stuff in statecraft. In fact, a perusal of missives of felicitations sent to D. Trump after his triumph by state leaders from around the world makes for a wonderfully revealing read!

Apart from facing economic challenges, now and in the near future particularly due to the dearth of opportunities available to those who have received a fair amount of education or training as also due to the exigencies in the world’s economies, in Bangladesh there is a persistent anxiety engendered by insecurity of life, limb and property. In such cases lately it has been observed there are increasing instances involving the so-called minority communities; a deeply despicable fact by and in itself with one organization stating that in the past year alone there has been a five-fold rise in attacks on these people many of whom feel vulnerable even in other times.


While reviewing this scenario it can’t be helped but peer into the role enacted by law enforcement entities. Whether because of outside pressure (mainly from politically influential honchos) or whether because of apprehensions arising out of not toeing the party line or whether because of the actions of rogue elements, law enforcement plays an outsize and conspicuous role which, obviously and naturally, often appear to go against the interests of the populace. Ditto with persons mandated to collect internal revenue---though evidently their actions at times can rise to the level of Keystone Cops! But that of course in no way assuages the feelings of the affected people.


And we haven’t even glanced at such matters as sticky fingers, greased palms, extortion under threat of being kneecapped, largess being spread around like it’s going out of style tomorrow (while on this point, it maybe noted that tomorrow in fact never comes for some), purported masters of the media succumbing to pressure and intimidation, mostly unemployed youths but most times claiming to be students taking comprehensive advantage of links to the ruling party and in general functioning as loose cannons all over the country, and so on and so forth. Yes, the laundry list can be as long as an arm and a leg.


The ultimate reality is that mysterious disappearances, unexplained murders, incarceration on absurdly tenuous grounds, constant hounding of political adversaries and similar other actions have not ever---as in never ever---assured the tranquil continuation of any order without the willing acquiescence of other essential actors and more importantly and primarily that of the people. Legitimacy in governance can be attained only from the free participation of the electorate.

Given the circumstances it will be most pertinent to conclude by quoting Thomas Jefferson: “The basis of our government being the opinion of the people, the very first object should be to keep that right; and were it left to me to decide, whether we should have a government without newspapers, or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter.” At another time he declared, “Our liberty depends on the freedom of the press, and that cannot be limited without being lost.”

Anyone listening? Yet?

Friday, January 13, 2017

The state of human rights in Bangladesh

The following is from the Bangladesh section of Human Rights Watch World Report 2017:


Bangladesh witnessed a spate of violent attacks against secular bloggers, academics, gay rights activists, foreigners, and members of religious minorities in 2016.

On July 1, armed gunmen attacked the Holey Artisan Bakery, a café in Dhaka, killing 21 people, including foreigners, while holding Bangladeshi staff and guests hostage until security forces stormed the café the next morning. On July 8, three people were killed at a checkpoint when gunmen carrying bombs tried to attack a gathering to mark the Muslim Eid holiday.

Although Islamist extremist groups, including the Islamic State or ISIS, claimed responsibility for most of these killings, the government blamed domestic groups, and said some had links to the main opposition political parties. Thousands of people were arrested, and dozens of alleged members or supporters of extremist groups are said to have been killed in armed encounters.

Fire and safety factory inspections continued in the garment industry following agreements between big brands and the Bangladeshi government arising out of the 2013 Rana Plaza disaster. However, a September fire in a packaging factory killed at least 24 people, highlighting the need for further efforts to ensure worker rights and safety.

Security Force Abuse and Impunity


Bangladesh security forces have a long history of arbitrary arrest, enforced disappearance, and extrajudicial killing, raising concerns about recent arrests and deaths. The Detective Branch of the police, the Bangladesh Border Guards (BGB), the Directorate General Forces Inspectorate (DGFI), and the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) have all been accused of serious violations.

In June 2016, security forces arrested nearly 15,000 people, mostly young men, in connection with a series of attacks targeting writers, minority religious leaders, and activists.

Following the July attack on the Holey Artisan Café, security forces reportedly arbitrarily detained and in many cases killed suspected militants. Two of the hostages in the attack were secretly arrested and detained for over a month until international and national pressure forced the government to admit to holding them in detention. A kitchen assistant, initially suspected to be one of the attackers, was allegedly tortured to death. The government announced several raids in various parts of the country but, due to lack of transparency about security force abuses and the ongoing government clampdown on media, details of those killed or arrested remain unclear.

Attacks on Civil Society


Human rights groups in Bangladesh face constant obstacles, including escalating harassment and surveillance by police. A new law placed strong restrictions on receiving foreign funds without approval by the NGO Affairs Bureau within the Prime Minister’s Office.

Journalists are also a common target. The editor of the English-language Daily Star, Mahfuz Anam, faces a total of 54 criminal defamation cases and 15 sedition cases. Fifty-five cases have been filed against editor Matiur Rahman and some journalists associated with the country’s highest circulation daily, Prothom Alo, for criminal defamation and “hurting religious sentiment.”

Freedom of Expression


Several laws were proposed in 2016 to increase restrictions on freedom of expression. The Distortion of the History of Bangladesh Liberation War Crimes Act provides for imprisonment and fines if details of the 1971 war of independence are debated or disputed. The Foreign Donation (Voluntary Activities) Regulation Act, passed in October, to control nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) will hinder freedoms of expression and association. Proposed Press Council Act amendments include provisions for closing newspapers.

The government continues to use the overly broad and vague Information and Communication Technology Act against people critical of decisions and activities of senior government officials or their families.

Bloggers expressing secular views and editors and writers supporting sexual minority rights were attacked in 2016, many of them hacked to death in public spaces. While authorities condemned the attacks, some recommended that individuals holding unpopular views censor themselves, implying that the responsibility for avoiding such attacks lay with the victims.

Minorities


Several religious leaders were killed or injured in targeted attacks, allegedly by the same extremist Muslim groups that targeted secular writers. In April, the advocacy group Hindu-Buddha-Christian Oikya Parishad said there had been three times more incidents of violence against minority communities in the first three months of 2016 than in all of 2015. Hindu shrines, temples and homes were attacked over the October 2016 Diwali festival. The government responded by arresting several hundred suspects, but some sporadic attacks against the Hindu community continued.

Thousands of indigenous people in the Chittagong Hill Tracts and other areas are at risk of forced displacement.

Environment


Workers in the tanneries of Hazaribagh, a residential area in Dhaka, continue to suffer from highly toxic and dangerous working conditions, while residents of nearby slums complain of illnesses caused by the tanneries’ extreme pollution of air, water, and soil. The government continues its de facto policy of not enforcing labor and environmental laws with respect to the tanneries and has failed to insist on the relocation of the tanneries to a dedicated industrial zone in Savar, ignoring a High Court decision from 2001.

Some 20 years after the problem of arsenic in Bangladesh’s drinking water first came to the world’s attention, 20 million people in Bangladesh are still drinking water contaminated with arsenic above the national standard. Deeper wells drilled down approximately 150 meters into the ground can often supply higher-quality water without arsenic, but some politicians are diverting funds for such wells to political supporters and allies, a practice facilitated by a government policy permitting national parliamentarians to influence the siting of 50 percent of all new government water points.

Labor Rights


Bangladeshi authorities again failed to implement their commitments under the Sustainability Compact in 2016. These include amending the Labour Act and laws governing Export Processing Zones to bring them in line with international standards. Largely, factory officials were not held accountable for attacks, threats, and retaliation against workers involved with unions.

In August, a Bangladeshi court charged 18 people with murder for the 2013 collapse of the Rana Plaza textile factory, which killed 1,135 people and injured hundreds.

In September, another factory fire and building collapse in a packaging factory killed 31 workers and injured another 50.

Women’s and Girls’ Rights


Bangladesh government data indicates that the percentage of girls marrying before age 18 declined from 65 percent in 2014 to 52 percent in 2016, and that 18 percent of girls still marry before the age of 15, the highest rate in Asia and among the highest in the world. In 2014, the government pledged to end marriage of children younger than 15 by 2021, and marriage younger than 18 by 2041.

In 2016, the government undermined progress toward these goals by continuing to push for weakening of the law governing the minimum age of marriage. At present, the minimum age of marriage for women is 18 with no exceptions, but the government proposed to allow 16- and 17-year-old girls to marry with parental consent, a change that would constitute a de facto lowering of the age of marriage, as most marriages are arranged by parents. A national plan on ending child marriage, promised by end-2014, had still not been finalized at time of writing.

Stalking, sexual harassment, and violent retaliation against and even murder of women and girls who protest such harassment continued in 2016. Prompt investigation and prosecution in such cases continues to be rare.

Indigenous women and girls face multiple forms of discrimination due to their gender, indigenous identity, and socio-economic status; they are especially vulnerable to sexual and gender-based violence.

Overseas Workers


Millions of Bangladeshis work abroad, sending home remittances worth billions of US dollars. In 2016 alone, almost 100,000 women migrated overseas, mostly to Gulf countries, for domestic work. The government has sought to increase the recruitment of such workers without putting in place adequate mechanisms to protect them against workplace abuses. Bangladeshi workers in the Gulf continue to report being deprived of food and forced to endure psychological, physical, and sexual abuse. In some cases, such abuses amount to forced labor or trafficking. Some Bangladeshi domestic workers pay high recruitment fees and take out loans in order to migrate.

Bangladesh has set a minimum salary for domestic workers in the Gulf equivalent to roughly US$200, the lowest minimum salary of all sending countries—and its embassies in the region do not provide adequate protection and assistance to many Bangladeshi nationals there.

Refugees


Bangladesh began its first census of undocumented Rohingya refugees in June, setting off fears that it might lead to a mass relocation or forcible repatriation to Burma. About 32,000 Rohingya are sheltered in camps administered by the United Nations, but hundreds of thousands who have never been allowed to register as refugees or to lodge asylum claims live undocumented in squalid, makeshift camps, or in private dwellings scattered around southeast Bangladesh, vulnerable to human traffickers and exploited as cheap labor.

War Crimes Trials


The International Crimes Tribunal (ICT), set up to address laws of war violations committed during Bangladesh’s 1971 independence movement, continued its operations in 2015 without addressing serious procedural and substantive defects. In September, the government executed Mir Qasem Ali, a senior member of the executive committee of the opposition Jamaat-e-Islaami party, for crimes he alleged committed in 1971, even as the country’s chief justice criticized the attorney general, the prosecution, and investigators for producing insufficient evidence in the case. The government secretly detained Ali’s son, a key member of his defense team, denied him access to his father before execution, and forbade him from participating in the funeral.

Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity


Prominent gay activists Xulhaz Mannan, the founder of Roopbaan, Bangladesh’s first lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) magazine, and Mahbub Rabby Tonoy, the general secretary of the group, were hacked to death in April. Al-Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS) claimed responsibility for the killings. Fearing for their lives, many LGBT activists sought temporary refuge outside the country.

“Carnal intercourse against the order of nature” carries a maximum sentence of 10 years in prison. The government has twice rejected recommendations to repeal the colonial-era law during its Universal Periodic Review at the UN Human Rights Council.

The Bangladesh cabinet in 2014 declared legal recognition of a third gender category for hijras—a traditional cultural identity for transgender people who, assigned male at birth, do not identify as men—but the absence of a definition of the term or procedure for gaining recognition of third gender status led to abuses in implementation of the legal change. In June and July 2015, a group of hijras were subjected to harassment and invasive and abusive physical examinations at a government hospital as a requirement to join a government employment program.

Key International Actors


India, the United Kingdom, and the United States, countries with significant influence over the Bangladesh government, remained largely silent on the country’s human rights record in their public statements in 2016. The UK said nothing publicly at all.

The US Department of Justice funded and trained an internal investigations program within the RAB, but the program produced no human rights prosecutions or convictions in 2016, and US authorities said little publicly to signal the importance of holding RAB officers accountable for human rights crimes. In July, Secretary of State John Kerry offered US assistance to Bangladeshi authorities investigating the militant attack on the Holey Artisan Bakery that killed 21 people in Dhaka.

The United Nations High Commissioner on Human Rights raised concerns about the lack of fairness in the war crimes trials and about arbitrary and illegal arrests, but the Bangladeshi government ignored the statements.

'Dirty' Coal in Heritage Forest in Bangladesh

By Vijay Prashad / AlterNet
 

At the edge of the great Sundarbans, in Bangladesh, sits the town of Rampal. The Sundarbans – a UNESCO World Heritage Site spanning southern Bangladesh and India – is a vast mangrove forest that is the home to the fabled Royal Bengal Tiger. Rich in flora and fauna, the Sundarbans has inspired academic research (Annu Jalais’ Forest Of Tigers) and works of fiction (Amitav Ghosh’s The Hungry Tide). The forest is essential to millions of people who either eke out their sustainable livelihoods from its wealth or who are protected from storms, cyclones and tidal surges by its remarkable capacity to absorb the energy of the Bay of Bengal.

Studies by the UN and others show that as a result of global warming, the coastline has retreated by a few hundred meters. Rising waters have already claimed the Lohachara Island and the Bangabandhu Island, with the Ghoramara Island close to being submerged. UNESCO warned in 2007 that a 45-centimeter rise in water levels would ravage 75 per cent of the Sundarbans.

Changing climate – as a result of the maddening ravenous capitalist system – threatens the Sundarbans. But – on an even shorter time-scale – a coal-fired power plant, built at the edge of the Sundarbans, endangers this World Heritage Site with its effluents in the water and in the air. The parties involved are multinational banks, as well as the Indian government’s drive to create infrastructure projects that deepen India’s ‘big neighbor’ status in Bangladesh.

In 2010, India’s National Thermal Power Corporation and the Bangladesh Power Development Board signed a Memorandum of Understanding to build a 1320-megawatt plant in Rampal. The two partners said that the plant would be 14 kilometers from the Sundarbans. Bangladesh’s government has designated a 10-kilometer perimeter from the Sundarbans, a zone known as the Environmentally Critical Area (ECA). It is illegal to build something like a coal-fired power plant within the ECA. Activists contend that the plant is actually not 14-kilometers away, but only 9-kilometers – namely that it is within the ECA and so violates the law. This has been brushed away. The plant – despite grave environmental threats – will likely be completed and will expel its first carbon into the atmosphere in 2019.

Pressure from activist platforms such as the National Committee to Protect Oil, Gas, Mineral Resources, Power and Ports as well as National Committee to Protect the Sundarbans forced the High Court to insist on an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA). The Department of Environment hurried to produce an EIA without public comment. It concluded – as was expected – that the plant was ‘environmentally friendly.’ With this EIA in hand, the governments of Bangladesh and India moved on 20 April 2013 from a Memorandum of Understanding to an Agreement to build the power plant.

But the EIA’s data and other material from other departments of the Bangladesh government suggest that things should not move so smoothly. The report suggests that the plant will spew 18 million tons of carbon dioxide (along with sulphur dioxide and nitrogen dioxide) as well as hundreds of thousands of tons of fly and bottom ash. Enormous amounts of water – from the already depleted Passur River – will have to be used to cool the plant, and then this dirty water will be released into the precious mangrove forest.

On 29 September 2011, in an act of public dissent, the chief conservationist of the Directorate of Forests – Ishtiaque Uddin Khan – wrote a letter to the Ministry of Forests about the dangers of the Rampal Power Plant. ‘It would not be wise,’ he wrote, ‘ to construct any industrial factory inside the Sundarbans. The construction of a coal-based power-plant will threaten the Royal Bengal Tiger and all of the biodiversity of the Sundarbans.’ This letter was likely filed in a vault, which will next be opened by a historian long after the Sundarbans have vanished.

Strikingly, another dissent came from the Ministry of Shipping of the Bangladesh government. Almost five million tons of coal will have to be transported to the plant. This cargo will be carried by large ships to the Akram Port, and then by smaller ships to the Rampal site. The letter from the Shipping Ministry says that the ‘increased ship movement through water channels in the Sundarbans Reserved forest will disturb the serene environment of Sundarbans.’ Knowing the realities of shipping, the Ministry’s official wrote that the large and smaller ships ‘may cause oil pollution due to seepage, leakage and pumping out of bilges from the ship into the forest rivers.’ This is bad, he wrote, because ‘oil once discharged may cover the breathing roots of the Sundari [mangrove] trees endangering their growth and ultimately leading towards depletion of the forest.’

In March last year, UNESCO sent a team to the Sundarbans to assess the impact of the power plant on the World Heritage Site. Their report – released in June – suggested that the plant had a ‘high likelihood’ of ‘contamination’ of the Sundarbans from ‘air and water pollution’ and from shipping and dredging. In other words, the UNESCO team agreed with the dissenters in the Bangladesh government and with the activists. Its conclusion is clear – ‘It is recommended that the Rampal power plant project is cancelled and relocated to a more suitable location where it would not impact negatively on the Sundarbans Reserved Forest and its property.’

Even this UNESCO verdict came after a great deal of internal struggle by Bangladeshi activists. The initial UNESCO fact-finding mission was heavily corralled and managed by the Bangladeshi government, denying access to any critical voices. In a blistering critique of UNESCO, Maha Mirza wrote, ‘What are we supposed to make of it? Your lack of understanding of the ground politics? Your faith in “super critical” technology? The Memorandum of Understanding that you had to sign up for? A play-safe strategy?’ (‘Dear UNESCO, do you have a Plan B?’, Dhaka Tribune, 10 April 2016). It was only after being held to account by local activists that UNESCO finally reached out to critical voices.

Anu Muhammad is Professor of Economics at Jahangirnagar University, and one of the leading leftist critics of neoliberalism in Bangladesh (he was one of the earliest Bangladeshi critics of the debt microcredit model of Muhammad Yunus’ Nobel Prize winning Grameen Bank). In his role as convener of the National Committee to Protect Oil, Gas, Mineral Resources, Power and Ports Anu Muhammad commented, ‘The UNESCO report proves that the statement we’ve been issuing for so long is scientific and justified. Instead of mulling over how to reply to the UNESCO report, the government should look into how speedily it can cancel this project.’ Sultana Kamal, senior human rights activist, secularism advocate, and convener of the National Committee to Protect the Sundarbans, said that the UNESCO report ‘adds to a growing body of independent expert analyses showing the many ways the Rampal coal plant’s inadequate pollution controls and inappropriate site location will harm the Sundarbans.’

Part of the frustration is that the deal tremendously advantages India’s National Thermal Power Corporation (NTPC), who has put equity into the plant, but will benefit from sale of coal to it and has limited risks if the plant fails. Cancellation of the project would leave the bill in Bangladesh’s hands. It is not clear how much liability will vest with the Indian partner. Esa Abrar, a New York-based architect and international secretary for Protibesh Andolan (Ecology Movement), wryly notes, ‘If the Bangladesh government has to depict their obedience towards India by destroying the Sundarbans, then Bangladesh does not need any other foes.’

Bangladesh certainly has a shortfall in its energy production. But other alternatives exist. ‘There are many alternatives for electricity,’ says the slogan in the poster above, ‘There is no other Sundarbans.’ Jenny Bock of Friends of the Earth says, ‘Bangladesh’s government should expand the country’s already flourishing solar industry to improve access to electricity and help the country develop sustainably, neither of which will be accomplished by building a coal plant near the Sundarbans.’

Our carbon civilization threatens the Bangladeshi coastline. If Bangladesh builds a coal-fired plant right on this front-line of climate change, how could it make the case to other states who need to urgently quit their carbon-addiction?

*January 11, 2017*

Vijay Prashad is professor of international studies at Trinity College in Hartford, Connecticut. He is the author of 18 books, including Arab Spring, Libyan Winter (AK Press, 2012), The Poorer Nations: A Possible History of the Global South (Verso, 2013) and The Death of a Nation and the Future of the Arab Revolution (University of California Press, 2016). His columns appear at AlterNet every Wednesday.

Wednesday, December 28, 2016

The dark colors of the times

By Fazal M. Kamal


Every generation feels that it’s living through the worst of times. As do the ones now that are occupying Earth for fleeting moments, as is the eternal law. In times like the present, obviously, there are more than only a couple reasons for conditions to look as dismal as they do. And those are mighty substantive reasons too. The ongoing deaths and destructions are more than sufficient to make reasonable people feel sick to the stomach, as the phrase states.

While thousands are being killed indiscriminately---on myriad supposed causes!---and while hundreds of thousands are rendered homeless, the world cannot but note with colossal regret the rise to power of all sorts of megalomaniacs and demagogues with tons of hubris, conceit and narcissism, not to mention disdain for their fellow humans. It’s little wonder then that people are being sacrificed with disturbingly zero compunction.

For a random instance take the case of the governing cabal in Israel. As it persistently continues to increase the acreage of its occupation of Palestinian property, farms and land, it demands to be allowed the total and unencumbered freedom to do this as well as other murderous acts and not be held accountable for its actions that not only are illegitimate but are also in many cases in direct violation of United Nations resolutions (for whatever they are worth).

A very recent example is a UN resolution that has condemned the disgraceful Netanyahu administration’s laissez faire approach to relentless land grab without the littlest concern about the people whose land is being grabbed for what’s been called building settlements for mostly belligerent groups of Israelis who, to begin with, have long ago decided to equate religion with land, as bizarre as it may sound.

While being deadly irresponsible Bibi (believe it or not, yeah, that’s how he’s known to many) has the ugly arrogance to display immense and insane rancor. The fact, however, is that he is, in actuality, supported by a large segment of the Israeli populace, proving yet again that the majority isn’t always right or moral or even rational. Nevertheless, the unfortunate reality is that, in perfect view of the entire world, they’re getting away with murder, literally.

Another abhorrent development is the rise and rise of a property developer in the United States ably voted to the highest office in the land (and possibly the most powerful oval room on the globe) mainly by a potent combination of the “rust belt” and the “rustic belt” defying the odds. Certainly their triumph was crucially assisted by a number of failings on the part of their adversaries, one of them being, as has been noted by many, liberal elitism---to say nothing of the FBI director! Perhaps so; but the ascendance of the vengeful and the hysteric in no way augurs well for people anywhere.

This once again brings to the fore the unsolved conundrum of whether the majority’s opinions are valid, correct, ethical. If facts are scrutinized they tend to demonstrate that in a large enough sampling this isn’t the case. Aside from Israel another instance that can be cited relates to Russia---and the case is clear as sparkling daylight. The people there plainly prefer what are known as “strongmen” maybe because of their history. And “strongmen” everywhere have a decided weakness to bes intolerant of any whiff of dissent.

Hence the ease with which Mr. Putin has been so successful in cheering up another person who has a declared preference for “strongmen,” i.e. a president-elect who can’t wait to intervene in international matters even though there are some weeks to go before he can tuck himself in that lofty office in the White House. Unmistakably a master of Twitterverse with an unrestrained gusto to tweet anytime---day, night, morning or evening. But that’s an accomplishment that could just as well come to someone with a restricted glossary.

Given the universal nature of the world as it exists now in social, cultural, economic and political terms, it is to be expected that many other leaders would develop a penchant to not merely utilize the so-called social media but also become increasingly petulant and intolerant of opinions at variance to her or his own. To quote Indian activist lawyer Indira Jaising, “the defining characteristic of the present government [in India] is that it undermines the rule of law… The second attempt to undermine the rule of law was the refusal to make appointments of judges to the high courts on the recommendation of the Chief Justice of India… To disregard the constitution has now become a pattern with this government.”

While talking with The Wire about the Indian government’s actions against some of the NGOs active in human rights and legal issues Ms. Jaising added, “Look at Teesta [Setalvad], she has been at the receiving end of the present administration(‘s anger) for the last several years, but it has not stopped her from pursuing the cases of the 2002 riots. This government should understand that some of us do what we do not because we are hired to do it or because we get money to do it, it’s not the foreign funding which makes us speak up; it is because we believe in the work we do. In any case, we are taking legal recourse to fight for our constitutional rights.”

Rulers with inclinations toward total control may also look at Turkey’s President Erdogan for a better grasp of how to intimidate and snuff the daylight out of persons he, for reasons of his very own, cannot stand. He’s been doing a spectacular job on that front especially following an “attempted coup” that may or may not have been an attempted coup. But that apparently for now is irrelevant because hundreds are being targeted because of their purported involvement and/or support in that “incident.”

Noticeably, whatever the color of the times (and unhappily we’ve to confess the dominant color is a very dark gray, at best) the inclination of those in control of the state machinery is more often than not to use it for the purpose of neutering opposition and dissent even if these are not against the law and even if they’re enshrined in a nation’s constitution and even if the UN with the backing of the largest number of countries adopts a resolution. The reason for these detestable transgressions is a simple one: when moral principles are abandoned, anything is possible, both in individual and collective instances.

Tuesday, December 27, 2016

জঙ্গিবিরোধী অভিযান নিয়ে সন্দেহ তৈরি হচ্ছে কেন

কাদির কল্লোল, বিবিসি বাংলা, ঢাকা
বাংলাদেশে নিরাপত্তা বাহিনীগুলোর চালানো বিভিন্ন জঙ্গিবিরোধী অভিযান নিয়ে সাধারণ মানুষের মনে নানা সন্দেহ তৈরি হচ্ছে, এবং এ সব অভিযানের সরকারি ব্যাখ্যা নিয়ে তারা নিজেরাও সন্দিহান - বলছে বিরোধীদল বিএনপি
পুলিশের একজন কর্মকর্তা অবশ্য এসব সন্দেহকে সম্পূর্ণ উড়িয়ে দিয়েছেন।
তবে এই 'সন্দেহের' কথা নতুন করে উঠেছে ঢাকার পূর্ব আশকোনা এলাকায় পুলিশের জঙ্গীবিরোধী অভিযানের পর।
আশকোনায় নিহতদের একজন এক মহিলা - যিনি নিজের শরীরে বাধা গ্রেনেডের আত্মঘাতী বিস্ফোরণ ঘটিয়ে নিহত হন । আরেক নিহত কিশোর আফিফ কাদেরীর মৃতদেহ পাওয়া যায় বাড়িটির ভেতরে । তার শরীরে একাধিক গুলির চিহ্ন পাওয়া গেছে বলে মৃতদেহের ময়নাতদন্তকারী চিকিৎসক জানিয়েছেন।
অভিযানের সময় জঙ্গী সন্দেহে আটক দু'জন নারীকে আজ আদালতে হাজির করে সাত দিনের পুলিশী রিমান্ডে নেয়া হয়েছে।
কিন্তু এসব অভিযানের সময় ঠিক কি ঘটে তা নিয়ে লোকজনের সাথে কথা বললে তাদের মধ্যে এক ধরণের বিভ্রান্তি দেখা যায়। ঢাকার কল্যাণপুর সহ বিভিন্ন এলাকার জঙ্গিবিরোধী অভিযান নিয়েও এধরণের বক্তব্য পাওয়া গেছে।
ঢাকার রাস্তায় কয়েকজনের সাথে কথা বলে দেখা গেল, তাদের মনে সন্দেহ রয়েছে এবং পুলিশের বক্তব্য তাদের কাছে পরিষ্কার নয়।
একজন বলেন - "সরকার যা বলে তাই আমাদের বিশ্বাস করতে হয়, কারণ সরকারের বক্তব্য যাচাই করার সুযোগ আমাদের নেই ।"
একজন তরুণী বললেন, যা ঘটছে তা তার কাছে 'কনফিউজিং' লাগছে - "কখনো মনে হচ্ছে এগুলো সত্যি ঘটছে, কখনো মনে হচ্ছে সরকার পক্ষে এগুলো দেখানোর জন্য প্ল্যান করে ।"
'এসব অভিযানের ভিত্তি কি, জঙ্গীদের উৎসস্থল কি' - এ নিয়ে সন্দেহ প্রকাশ করলেন একজন।
ওদিকে পুলিশের জঙ্গিবিরোধী অভিযানে নিয়ে প্রশ্ন তুলেছে রাজনৈতিক দলও। আশকোনার অভিযানের পর বিরোধীদল বিএনপির একজন মুখপাত্র বলেছেন, এই অভিযানের সরকারি ব্যাখ্যা নিয়ে তারা সন্দিহান।
বিএনপির যুগ্ম মহাসচিব রুহুল কবির রিজভী বলছেন, জঙ্গী ইস্যুকে জিইয়ে রাখার জন্য সরকার অবিযানের নামে এসব ঘটনা সাজাচ্ছে বলে তারা মনে করেন।
আইন ও সালিশ কেন্দ্র নামে একটি মানবাধিকার সংগঠনের নূর খান লিটন বলেন, আগের অভিযানগুলোর সময় আটক ব্যক্তিরা আদালতে তাদের অনেক আগে থেকে আটক করে রাখার কথা বলেছিল।
"কোর্টে অনেকে বলেছেন ছয় মাস বা একবছর আগে তাদের আটক করা হয়েছে। ফলে এসব অভিযান নিয়ে সন্দেহ তৈরি হচ্ছে। তবে সব ক্ষেত্রেই যে এটা সত্য - তা নাও হতে পারে।"
তবে পুলিশ এসব বক্তব্য মানতে রাজী নয়। ঢাকা পুলিশের মুখপাত্র মাসুদুর রহমান বিবিসি বাংলাকে বলেন, এসব অভিযান ঘটেছে দিনের আলোতে, যা ঘটেছে তা তারা প্রকাশও করেছেন। কিন্তু একটি মহল এ নিয়ে সন্দেহ তৈরির চেষ্টায় আছে বলে তাদের ধারণা।
"আমরা শতভাগ স্বচ্ছতা, সততা এবং জবাবদিহিতার সাথেই এ সব অভিযান চালাচ্ছি। এতে বাড়ির মালিক, ভাড়াটে, আশপাশের লোক - সবারই বর্ণনা থাকে। কেউ সন্দেহ করবে এটা আমরা চিন্তাই করি না " - বলেন মি. রহমান।
"আর যাদের সন্দেহ করার - এমন এক শ্রেণীর লোক সারা জীবনই থাকবে যারা সন্দেহই করে যাবে, কোন কাজ করতে পারবে না" - বলেন এই পুলিশ কর্মকর্তা।

Thursday, December 22, 2016

The truth is right here

  By Fazal M. Kamal

 

  Apparently, and especially as gleaned from the verbal declarations of the leaders of myriad types and various ranks, the government has assumed a schizophrenic tendency. It wants its political adversaries to participate in electoral processes yet, simultaneously, they keep up a persistent drumbeat of negative proclamations. And more often than not the edicts are unadulterated confections of the uninitiated and ignorant personages, some even verging on the imbecilic.


On the same day and often almost in the same breath, administration leaders, for causes that aren’t most times clear, urge the main opposition alliance to be party to its political dispensation but, as stated before, seeming to have instant amnesia, this is followed up, fast as greased lightning, with accusations of the vicious kinds oftentimes straining the credulity of the people and could well be in the domain civil prosecution.

Naturally, this splintered personality approach to governance, politics, public speaking and

all that those encompass give birth to a plethora of questions in the minds of all rational beings. If we assume---perhaps irrationally---the ruling party and its cohorts want a peaceful and cooperative democratic environment, why are they relentlessly hounding opposition supporters? Why are activists and political opponents of the regime disappearing with almost clockwork regularity? Why are dissenters reprimanded in public declarations by many who’ve been gifted ministerial elevations and have readily available pulpits to pontificate? Why, indeed, are opposition leaders attacked virulently on a personal level as if there’s an ongoing domestic fracas?


This is but a minor sampling of the contradictions that arise due to the self-contradictory assertions of some of the motormouths ensconced in the corridors of power. (Whether some of them deserve to be in those comfy chairs, is obviously a different but live issue that can be dealt with another good day.) To this already vertiginously head-spinning atmosphere newer issues are added, like the incursion of persecuted Rohingya unabashedly and inhumanely victimized by the Myanmar armed forces and the atrocious actions of a section of Buddhist monks topped off by the uncaring and shameful attitude of a Nobel laureate.


Given that there is a collection of a number of other unresolved problems, both internal and external aside from subjects that relate to the neighborhood, it should not require any elaboration to realize that it is definitely in the interest of the nation---maybe not in the interest of coteries---to have or create as few problems as are humanly possible so that the people feel secure in their present and future and not be buffeted by anxieties engendered by unpredictable and unpleasant political circumstances.  

In a country where, for one instance, a very recent report has revealed, 40 percent of young people aged between 15 and 24 years today are “not in education, employment or training” making the actual number of such youth reaching 11.6 million as there are at present a total of 29 million youth of that age group in the country. This is the third-worst statistic in the Asia-Pacific region according to the ILO. Ignoring this so-called time bomb, as well as many other matters demanding instantaneous attention, the rulers of this country evidently would rather focus on power plays, probably believing that keeping these young people engaged in internecine combats for the lumps that come their way due to political alignments is good enough.


With furious forces of geopolitics bearing down on the South Asian region, a fact that cannot be evaded even if the most spirited genuflections are displayed, and the probabilities of an easing of these elements being next to nothing in view of the objective and evolving conditions, it certainly makes more sense to have a reasonably cohesive nation behind an able administration instead of a bickering and strife-filled political landscape.


Evidently, therefore, it should be serving the interests of the people to minimize the sometimes deadly political battles and generate an environment that can demonstrate to the nation that definite positive times await them, and not a milieu where murders and mayhem are almost everyday occurrences, where sadistic oral exercises are not the norm, and where the national leadership will be free to make decisions that it believes is appropriate and correct primarily for the welfare of the people.


In brief, it’s high time the noxious political atmosphere was purged for the greater good of the nation. It doesn’t have to be self-aggrandizement all the time and perhaps forever. Clearly, it does not require knowledge in nanotechnology to appreciate these axiomatic truths. The ethos of having it all for all time must cease to function, simply because it’s the right course.

Sunday, December 18, 2016

India must rethink Bangladesh strategy

By Seema Guha / First Post
With Bangladesh celebrating its Independence on Friday, India’s role in the 1971 liberation war is being emphasised both in Dhaka, Delhi and Kolkata. Ever since Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina came to power in 2008, relations between the two neighbours are on a high. However, some blips have occurred in recent times which if not repaired in time, do not bode well for the future.
Hasina is coming to India in February to renew India-Bangladesh ties. But with the Teesta Waters Agreement showing no signs of being signed in a hurry, there is disappointment in Bangladesh. Modi’s visit to Dhaka in 2015 generated much goodwill. The prime minister’s speech where he said air and water did not belong to any nation, but was the property of all humanity.
The Bangladeshis were bowled over by Modi and believed he would be in a position to deliver on the Teesta agreement. However, chances are now dim with West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee unlikely to come on board.
However, the Teesta is not the only issue that is bugging Dhaka. Bangladesh just cannot understand the noise in India over its recent purchase of two submarines from China at a reportedly very competitive price of $24 billion. The deal was inked in 2013, but New Delhi’s hackles were raised when the first submarine was delivered last month. This, coupled with the fact that President Xi Jinping, during his visit to Dhaka in October, extended a $24 billion loan to Bangladesh. All of this aligns with New Delhi’s concerns about Beijing spreading its wings across India’s neighbourhood and its fears of encirclement by its powerful Asian rival.
For Bangladesh, India’s fears are completely unjustified
"Yes, we have friendly relations with China, but our ties with India are at another level. We can never forget India’s contribution to the Liberation War. So the concern here is baffling," said a senior Bangladeshi official, contacted by phone from Delhi. He spoke on condition of anonymity.
Like their counterparts in West Bengal, Bangladeshis are fiercely independent. They value their freedom and sovereignty earned with blood, sweat and tears and the loss of thousands of lives. They acknowledge and are grateful to Indira Gandhi and India. But it is a sensitive nation and savours its freedom of choice. So, if Dhaka wants to have good relations with Beijing, it should not make Delhi jittery. After all, nations choose what is best for their respective national interests, and a good deal is a good deal whether for individuals or nations.
The current Awami League government is India-friendly, but that did not prevent Hasina from ordering the submarines from China.
Bangladesh wants to shore up its defence capabilities to secure its maritime boundaries and its special economic zone. Dhaka is doing this for self-defence and not to threaten any other country. As Bangladeshi officials never tire of pointing out, these submarines will never be used against India, so where’s the threat?
New Delhi is certainly not afraid of Bangladesh attacking India, but it is concerned about Beijing’s growing clout in India’s neghbourhood. China has always been an all-weather friend to Pakistan and is investing $46 billion for Xi’s pet 'One-Belt One-Road' project. Despite a change in government, Sri Lanka too has agreed to allow the Chinese to build a port city in Colombo. China is also active in the Maldives and Nepal.
Considering that the proposal to build a deep sea port in Sonadia, near Cox’s Bazar in Chittagong is not going through and Dhaka will have a global tender for a consortium to take on the
project, India should be reassured. Somehow, suspicion and concern remain. New Delhi was looking at Chinese moves in buiding the Hambantota port in Sri Lanka, Gwadar in Pakistan and Sonadia in Bangladesh. The feeling of encirclement was complete.
But Dhaka has assured Delhi about Sonadia. It is also a true that Hambantota was first offered to India, but no one was willing to take up the port project.
India needs an alternative vision for the region
It is a fact that China is moving quickly in the neigbourhood. China’s way of working, for a variety of reasons is certainly more efficient than India’s slow progress on projects. So all countries that seek to upgrade their infrastructure will welcome Chinese investments. As Srinath Raghvan, an independent analyst who follows Bangladesh closely, put it: "China’s maritime and one road one belt policy is hard to resist. India does not have an alternative to offer on the table. Bimstec (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation) is a slow starter."
China delivers, India scrambles and takes time for everything. In such a case, naturally, India’s neighbours go with China.
"India has not been able to give an alternative vision that is as appealing. So, there is resentment in Delhi and attempts to browbeat the smaller neighbours, but this can boomerang,’’ said Raghavan. He acknowledged that China is moving in fast in the periphery. It is time for India to rethink its strategy.

Saturday, December 10, 2016

কামালপুরের যুদ্ধ এবং এক দুঃসাহসী মেজরের গল্প

মুক্তিযুদ্ধের রণাঙ্গনে মেজর জিয়া



By জাকারিয়া

জুলাই, ৩য় সপ্তাহ, ১৯৭১


ব্যাটেলিয়ন কমান্ডার মইনুল হোসেনের প্রতি জিয়ার হুকুম এলো কামালপুর বিওপিতে হিট করতে হবে। কামালপুরের মত এত শক্তিশালী পাকিস্তানী ঘাঁটিতে আক্রমনে মইনের হাঁতে না আছে রসদ, না আছে যথেষ্ট প্রশিক্ষিত সৈন্য, না পর্যাপ্ত গোলাবারুদ। মইন যখন হিট এন্ড রান কৌশল নিয়ে ভাবছিলেন তখন জিয়ার এই নির্দেশ তাঁর মাথায় বজ্রাঘাতের মতই মনে হল। অথচ  জিয়া তাঁর সিদ্ধান্তে অটল। জামালপুর, টাঙ্গাইল এবং ঢাকা প্রবেশের সংযোগ মুখেই ছিল কামালপুর বিওপির অবস্থান। জিও স্ট্র্যাটেজিক্যালি এটি একটি অতি গুরুত্বপূর্ণ স্থাপনা। এটি অক্ষত থাকা মানেই মুক্তিযোদ্ধাদের ঢাকায় প্রবেশের স্বপ্ন চিরতরে ত্যাগ করতে হবে। কিন্তু জিয়া নামের স্বল্প পরিচিত এক মেজরের স্বপ্ন তিনি ঢাকায় প্রবেশ করবেন এবং তা করবেন এই ঘাঁটিটিকে গুড়িয়ে দিয়েই।


কামালপুর ঘাঁটিটিকে পাকিস্তান সেনাবাহিনী এতোটাই স্বয়ংসম্পূর্ণ করেছে যে, এখানে মোট চারবার নিয়মিত বাহিনী পর্যায়ে সরাসরি যুদ্ধ হয়েছে। ( ৩১ জুলাই, ২২ অক্টোবর, ১৪ নভেম্বর, ২৪-৪ ডিসেম্বর ১৯৭১ )। হিট এন্ড রান হয়েছে মোট ২০ বার।

কামালপুর যুদ্ধে শহীদ মুক্তিযোদ্ধার সংখ্যা ১৯৭ জন, আহত অসংখ্য, পাকিস্তানের মেজর আইয়ুব সহ মোট নিহত ২২০ জন। শুধুমাত্র এই এক যুদ্ধেই বীর উত্তম থেকে বীর প্রতীক মিলিয়ে ২৯ জন মুক্তিযোদ্ধা সাহসিকতায় পুরস্কার পেয়েছেন। পুরো মুক্তিযুদ্ধে এমন ইতিহাস দ্বিতীয়টি আর নেই।

যুদ্ধ

রাত ৩:০০ টা। জিয়া নিজে অবস্থান নিয়েছেন টিলার উপরে। আর সে অবস্থান থেকে কামানের গোলা বর্ষণের মাধ্যমেই যুদ্ধের সুচনা হয়। রাত সাড়ে তিনটায় ক্যাপ্টেন সালাউদ্দিন মমতাজ তাঁর দুই প্লাটুন সৈন্য নিয়ে শত্রু ঘাঁটিতে ঢুকে পড়েন। সেখানে তিনি বিওপির একদম কাছে গিয়ে মেগাফোনে পাকিস্তানিদের উদ্দ্যেশ্যে বলতে থাকেন,


‘আভি তক ওয়াক্ত হ্যাঁয়। শালালোগ সারেন্ডার করো, ন্যাহি তো জিন্দা নেহি ছোড়েংগা’।

সালাউদ্দিন মমতাজের অসীম সাহসে আর তাঁর মুক্তিযোদ্ধাদের প্রচণ্ড আক্রমনে পাকিস্তানিদের প্রথম ডিফেন্স কর্ডন শেলপ্রুফ বাঙ্কারে ঢুকে পরে। এ সময় সালাউদ্দিন মমতাজ আরও সাহসী হয়ে উঠেন এবং ২০-২৫ জন মুক্তিযোদ্ধাকে নিয়ে বিওপির কমিউনিটি সেন্টারে ঢুকে পড়েন। দাঁড়িয়ে দাঁড়িয়েই তিনি কমান্ড করছিলেন। তাঁর সহযোদ্ধারা তাকে নিরাপদ পজিশন নিতে বললেও লাভ হয়নি। হঠাৎ ই মেশিনগানের গুলি এসে ঢুকে তাঁর মাথায়, পাশে বিস্ফোরিত হয় মর্টারের শেল। লুটিয়ে পড়েন এই বীরযোদ্ধা...

স্বাধীনতার সোনালী রোদের স্পর্শ তাঁর আর পাওয়া হল না।

এক পর্যায়ে সেখানে আগ্নেয়াস্ত্রের পরিবর্তে হাতাহাতি আর বেয়নেট দিয়ে যুদ্ধ হয় বাংকারের ভেতরে বাইরে।

সালাউদ্দিন মমতাজের নিহত হবার খবর জানতে পেরে মেজর মইন ওয়ারল্যাসে ক্যাপ্টেন মাহবুবকে কমান্ড করেন পেছন থেকে আক্রমনের জন্য। কিন্তু ক্যাপ্টেন মাহবুবের সাড়া না পেয়ে তিনি ঝোপঝাড় আর গাছের আড়াল থেকে বের হয়ে  খোলা জায়গায় চলে আসেন যেন ওয়ারল্যাস ভালোভাবে কাজ করতে পারে। দুর্ভাগ্য এবারেও পিছু ছাড়েনি তাঁদের।এক ঝাঁক মেশিনগানের গুলিতে ঝাঁঝরা হয়ে যান ওয়ারল্যাস অপারেটর। এ সময় তাঁর ওয়ারল্যাস সেটটিও অকেজো হয়ে যায়।  মেজর মইন হতভম্ব হয়ে এ সময় চিৎকার করে অনেকটা নিষ্ফল নির্দেশ দিয়ে যেতে  থাকেন। খুব দ্রুত ভোরের আলো ফুটে উঠে। তাঁরা দেখতে পান চারিদিকে হতাহতের ছড়াছড়ি। ক্যাপ্টেন হাফিজ আহত হয়ে মাটিতে পড়ে আছেন। লেঃ মান্নানও আহত হয়েছেন। জিয়া উদ্ধারকাজে যোগ দেন। গোলাগুলি চলা অবস্থাতেই জিয়া, মইন, লিয়াকতরা মিলে হাফিজ, মান্নান সহ অন্য আহত যোদ্ধাদের উদ্ধার করে পিছু হটেন।

অন্যদিকে দুইটি ১২০ মি মি মর্টার আর বেশ কিছু সেনা সহ বকশিগঞ্জ থেকে কামালপুরের দিকে আসতে থাকা তিনটি লড়ি উড়ে যায় কাট অফ পার্টির পুতে রাখা মাইনে। তাঁদের এ্যামবুশে দশ জন পাক সেনা নিহত এবং ১০-১১ জন আহত হয়। এক মুক্তিযোদ্ধা শহীদ হন, ২/৩ জন আহত হন। এ যুদ্ধে মোট ৩৫ জন মুক্তিযোদ্ধা শহীদ হন আর আহত হন সাতান্ন জন যা মোটামুটি প্রথম বেঙ্গলের এক দশমাংশ। কামালপুরের এই যুদ্ধ ৩১ বালুচ রেজিমেন্টের জন্য ছিল এক দুঃসহ  নাইটমেয়ার। তাঁরা ধারণাই করতে পারেনি যে, নাতিদীর্ঘ প্রশিক্ষিত যোদ্ধাদেরকে নিয়ে জেড ফোর্স এত শক্ত কামড় দিতে পারে।


ক্যাপ্টেন হাফিজ উদ্দিন আহমেদ স্বাধীনতার দলিল পত্রের ১০ম খন্ডে জানিয়েছেন কমপক্ষে ৫০ জন পাকিস্তানী সেনা নিহত হয়েছিল সে যুদ্ধে।


শাফায়াত এবং মইন দুজনেই বলেছেন, টানা তিনদিন পাকিস্তানী আর্মির হেলিকপ্টার ঢাকা থেকে কামালপুর আসা যাওয়া করেছে কেবল পাকিস্তানী আর্মিদের লাশ আর আহতদের সরিয়ে নেওয়ার জন্য।

যুদ্ধের পর ভারতীয় সেনাপ্রধান জেনারেল মানেকশ হেলিকপ্টারে করে জেড ফোর্স হেড কোয়ার্টারে আসেন আর উচ্ছসিত প্রশংসা করে বলেন, ‘জেড ফোর্স শুড আপ রিয়াল টাইগার ক্যারেকটার।’ এমনকি এটাও বলেন, তাঁর ধারণাতেও ছিল না যে, জেড ফোর্স এমন অপারেশনের সাহস রাখে। তবে ভারতীয় সেনাবাহিনী জেড ফোর্স কে যেসব ওয়ারল্যাস দিয়েছিলেন সেগুলো নিম্ন মানের এবং ত্রুটিপূর্ণ ছিল বলে মেজর মইন জেনারেল মানেকশ কে অভিযোগ করেছিলেন। মেজর মইনের মতে ক্যাপ্টেন মাহবুবকে সময়মত ওয়ারল্যাসে কমান্ড করতে পারলে ক্ষয়ক্ষতি অনেক কম হত এবং শত্রুপক্ষের ক্যাজুয়ালটি আরও বেশি হত। অতি দরকারের সময় ওয়ারলেসের কাজ না করা ছিল মড়ার উপর খাড়ার ঘা। যুদ্ধের সেই সময়টাতে মুষলধারে বৃষ্টি হচ্ছিল এবং আগের কয়েকদিন বৃষ্টি হওয়ায় পাট ক্ষেতে এক ফুট পানি জমে গিয়েছিল। এ ধরনের যুদ্ধে ক্রলিং এবং কুইক মুভের যে প্রয়োজন হয় তাঁর বিপরীতে এই ব্যাপারটাকে ‘ক্রুশিয়াল লুজিং ফ্যাক্টর’ হিসেবে বিবেচনা করেছেন মেজর মইন।

কামালপুর যুদ্ধে ঘোর অন্ধকার আর মুষলধারে বৃষ্টির কারনে যুদ্ধ প্রায় ৩০ মিনিট দেরিতে শুরু হয়। কিন্তু এদিকে জেড ফোর্সের প্রি এইচ আওয়ার বোমা গুলোও বিস্ফোরিত হতে থাকে। ফলে নিজেদের বোমাতেও ১ম বেঙ্গল ধরাশায়ী হয়েছিল সে রাতে।
কামালপুর যুদ্ধের আহত-শ্রান্ত যোদ্ধাদের নিয়ে ফিরে আসলেন জিয়া এবং মইন। সেদিন ৩১শে জুলাইতেই জিয়া মেজর শাফায়াত জামিলকে ৩য় বেঙ্গল সহ পাঠান জেড ফোরসের ২য় অপারেশনে।

২য় অপারেশনের এই যুদ্ধটিকেই পরবর্তীতে বাহাদুরাবাদ ফেরিঘাটের যুদ্ধ বলে বর্ণনা করা হয়।


৩১শে জুলাই, ১৯৭১


দুপুরবেলায় যাত্রা শুরু করেন ৩য় বেঙ্গলের সৈন্যরা। পরপর তিনটি ছোট বড় নদী আর কাঁদা পানিতে হেঁটে প্রায় পচিশ মাইল পেরিয়ে সবুজপুর পৌঁছান। সেখান থেকে ১২ টি নৌকায় অপারেশন জোনে পৌঁছান। ব্রক্ষ্মপুত্র আর যমুনার সাথে তিস্তা যেখানে এসে মিশেছে সেখান থেকে চিলমারি বন্দর, কুড়িগ্রাম, উত্তরবঙ্গ আর বক্ষ্মপুত্রের দুই পাড়ে মুক্তিযোদ্ধা ঘাটিগুলোকে নিয়ন্ত্রন করা যায়।

১লা আগস্ট ভোর রাত ৫ টায় লেঃ নুরুন্নবির ডেল্টা কোম্পানি প্রথম হিট করে। ডেল্টা কোম্পানিকে ব্যাকআপ দেয় লেঃ আনোয়ারের আলফা কোম্পানি। ৩০ মিনিটের সেই যুদ্ধে ৩ টি বার্জ, ২ টি শান্টিং ইঞ্জিন ধ্বংস করা হল আর দুইটি বগিতে হেভি মেশিনগানের ব্রাশফায়ার করে বেশ কিছু পাক সেনা আহত কিংবা নিহত করা হল। এর ফলে বাহাদুরাবাদ ঘাট ব্যাপক ভাবে ধ্বংস হয় আর উত্তরবঙ্গের সাথে বাহাদুরাবাদ রেল রুট ক্লোজ হয়ে যায়।

এরই মাঝে জেড ফোর্স’র ৩য় অপারেশনে জিয়া আবার নিজে সম্মুখ সমরে হাজির হন ৩রা আগস্ট ভোর তিনটা ৪৫ এ। অপারেশনটির দায়িত্ব ছিল অষ্টম বেঙ্গলের উপর। শেরপুরের ঝিনাইগতি থানার এ যুদ্ধে পাকিস্তানিদের প্রচুর ক্ষয়ক্ষতি হয়। মুক্তিযোদ্ধারা রান এন্ড ক্রল করে বিওপির ৫০ গজের ভেতরে ঢুকে গিয়েছিল। মুক্তিযোদ্ধাদের আক্রমণের তীব্রতায় সেনারা বিওপি ছেড়ে পার্শ্ববর্তী ক্ষেতে পালিয়ে গিয়েছিল। আক্রমনে ছিল ক্যাপ্টেন আমিন আহমেদের ব্র্যাভো কোম্পানি আর লেঃ মোদাসসের’র ডেল্টা কোম্পানি। আর বিওপির পাশে শালবনে ফরোয়ার্ড এরিয়া এসেম্বলি থেকে জিয়া ওয়ারল্যাস  যোগাযোগের মাধ্যমে যুদ্ধ কো-অরডিনেট করছিলেন। মোট ১২ জন মুক্তিযোদ্ধা সে যুদ্ধে শহীদ হন।

বাহাদুরাবাদ ঘাট আর দেওয়ানগঞ্জে যুদ্ধবিজয়ী ৩য় বেঙ্গল'র যোদ্ধারা তেলঢালায় ফেরার পথে শাহ কামালের মাজারের পাশে একটি জিপ গাড়ির পাশে মেজর জিয়াকে দুঃশ্চিন্তিত অবস্থায় দেখতে পান। ফিরতে দেরি দেখে মেজর জিয়া ধারণা করেন ৩য় বেঙ্গল বাহাদুরাবাদ অপারেশনে ব্যাপক ক্ষয়ক্ষতির শিকার হয়েছে। কিন্তু যখন দেওয়ানগঞ্জ অপারেশনের কথা জিয়াকে জানিয়ে বলা হল - এখন থেকে দেশের ভেতরেই যুদ্ধ চালানো অসম্ভব কিছু না তখন জিয়া স্মিত হেসে বললেন,


‘তাহলে তো একবার সবাইকে নিয়ে ভেতরে ঢুকতেই হয়’। 


- মুক্তিযুদ্ধ ভিত্তিক বিভিন্ন প্রকাশনা থেকে আহরিত তথ্য এই লেখায় ব্যবহার করা হয়েছে।  

Friday, December 9, 2016

The cycle needs the courts' intervention

David Bergman / The Wire

Over the past seven years, the practice of enforced disappearances has become a small but routine part of law enforcement in Bangladesh. State bodies, for a variety of reasons – political, law and order, and financial – pick up people and, instead of bringing them to court within 24 hours, keep them in secret detention. They deny having ever taken them, and after holding them illegally for days, weeks or even months, either kill them or formally arrest them after pretending to have just detained them.

A few men are also released without arrest, though they are then usually pushed over the border into India, where they are arrested by Indian officials for illegal entry. This, though, is a relatively new practice.

When the Bangladesh Nationalist Party came to power in 2001, extra-judicial killings were the main concern at the time. However, since the Awami League took over after the elections in 2009, disappearances have become part of the country’s criminal justice system, with at least 320 people secretly detained for various periods of time. In this year alone, human rights and media organisations report over 75 people were secretly detained, of whom 13 were subsequently killed, 18 remain missing and the remaining are shown to have been arrested.

On Tuesday, newspapers, citing eyewitnesses, reported that the paramilitary Rapid Action Batallion had picked up three activists of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party’s youth league in Natore district on Saturday, and that their bodies, bearing wounds from gun shots fired at close range, were found on Monday.

The obvious question is, how do the Bangladesh government and law enforcement authorities get away with flouting the most basic principles of due process and law?

More specifically, why is the High Court not stepping in and using its constitutional powers to ensure the enforcement of law and the immediate release of those detained?


No use moving court?


One answer to this is that the families of the disappeared very rarely approach the courts – and this is not just because many of them do not have the resources to hire lawyers or are unaware of their legal rights.

It is because these families are often advised against taking legal recourse. Lawyers tell them two things: The first is that doing so could jeopardise the safety of their relative by triggering the state into killing the unlawfully detained person. And second, the court will not, in any case, pass orders that will force the state to release the person.

There is no evidence to support the fear that a court process will trigger state murder. Arguably, it does the opposite and is protective of the detained person. Nonetheless, there is a strong perception among many lawyers that the safety of those in detention depends on their families not publicly campaigning for their release – a view that is given credence by the threats such families receive from people associated with the government or law enforcement agencies.

There is more support for the second reason the lawyers offer families about why they should not go to court.

One of the very few habeas corpus applications – a recourse in law under which a person can report an unlawful detention – to be filed in a case of enforced disappearance involves Salauddin Ahmed, a joint secretary general of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party who was picked up in March 2015.

Ahmed’s wife filed the application shortly afterwards and the court passed a preliminary order requiring various state bodies to explain why they should not be ordered to bring him to court.

However, when the law enforcement bodies denied having picked up the Opposition leader or ever having had him in their custody, the court simply passed an order seeking a report from the Home Ministry every six months on the results of their investigation into the disappearance.

Because of cases like this, lawyers are of the view that courts in Bangladesh are not strong enough – or, in some cases, too politicised – to stand up to the state authorities.

This is the impression one gets when looking back at two cases where human rights organisations challenged mass extra-judicial killings in the country – one case dates back to 2006, when the Bangladesh Nationalist Party was in power, and the other to 2009, at the beginning of the Awami League period. After passing initial orders asking law enforcement bodies to respond to the claims, the courts held no further hearings and gave no orders, interim or final. The cases just died.


Activists silent


In such as scenario, one may understand why the families of the disappeared do not take the judicial route to find their loved ones. But it is difficult to appreciate why no human rights organisation has filed a public interest writ in any (or all) of the cases, seeking the release of the illegally-detained men, independent investigations and other orders from the court.

Clearly, their lack of success in the past in getting the courts to pass substantive orders to stop extra-judicial killings may well have had some impact. However, their current reluctance to approach the courts over the enforced disappearances seems to have more to do with partisanship and fear.

Many of the disappeared are Opposition activists, and the human rights organisations do not want to be seen as supporting them. They also fear that doing so would make them vulnerable to harassment at the hands of the government. Odhikar, one of the country’s two main human rights bodies, has already had its funding blocked, its members arrested and is being investigated for money laundering.


Judicial apathy


While cases may not be coming to the courts, nothing is stopping the High Court benches from passing suo moto orders. These are not uncommon and judges in Bangladesh have acted on their own after reading media reports about rights violations that they feel require judicial scrutiny.

Seven years ago, in November 2009, the High Court took up the matter of two disappearances on the basis of news reports. One newspaper article was about a press briefing by one Bablu Khalashi, who claimed his father and uncle, Lutfor and Khairul Khalashi, had been arrested by the Rapid Action Battalion but had not been handed over to the police. He feared the two may have become victims “of an encounter killing”. The second article reported that the two men had indeed been killed in “crossfire”.

On November 17 that year, the court passed a suo moto order calling on the paramilitary force’s director general and the home secretary to show cause within 48 hours “as to why appropriate action shall not be taken against [two Rapid Action Battalion officers] and their companion for the liability of killing” the two men. It also sought “an explanation by the director general of RAB as to such heinous activity now continuing in his battalion”.

The force dismissed the media reports as “baseless, false and motivated” and said no “operation whatsoever was conducted by the RAB 3 and RAB 8 at the alleged place of occurrence”. In an affidavit, it also stated that one of the officers mentioned did not exist. Pointing out that the police were investigating the two deaths, it added that ‘if this Hon’ble Court passes any order in this instant rule, the investigation process of the case will be frustrated”.

On November 23, the court asked the force for more details of the officers involved in the detention of the two men. At the next hearing on December 14, the government sought more time and the court scheduled the next hearing for January 11, 2010, even as it told the attorney general to inform the authorities not to kill any more people in the name of crossfire, encounter or gunfight till then.

However, on January 7, five days before the hearing, the chief justice reconstituted some of the High Court benches, which resulted in the two judges who had given the suo moto rule being assigned to different benches.

It is the responsibility of the office of the chief justice to assign cases such as this one to other courts. But the chief justice of that time, Justice Md Tafazzel Islam, retired a month later without re-assigning the case. Neither did the three others who came after him. No further hearing was conducted and now, the case file has gone missing.

There have also been no other suo moto orders by the High Court over disappearances since then.


Needed: A proactive High Court


There is only one institution that has the power to control the executive in its unlawful use of detention powers, and that is the High Court and its appellate division.

The court is clearly concerned that law enforcement agencies follow the law while detaining people. This was evident when its appellate division set out a series of principles for the police and magistrates to follow during detentions.

But in the meantime, the High Court has clearly not responded to the human rights crisis playing out with enforced disappearances continuing unabated. If the families of the disappeared and human rights organisations are unwilling to bring cases to court, it surely must be up to the court to take up the challenge itself.