Search

Tuesday, January 24, 2017

রেলমন্ত্রী যখন ‘স্লিপারে বাঁশ ব্যবহার শতভাগ যৌক্তিক’ বলেন!


মোহাম্মদ আলী বোখারী, টরন্টো থেকে



চরম ঝুঁকির মাঝে বেশ কিছু দিন ধরে লালমনিরহাট ও মৌলভীবাজারে রেললাইনের ব্রিজগুলোর স্লিপারে বাঁশ ব্যবহারের অভিযোগ উঠেছে। এতে রেলওয়ের দায়িত্বপ্রাপ্ত কোনো কর্মকর্তা মুখ না খুললেও গতকাল সোমবার সকালে রাজধানীর কমলাপুর রেলস্টেশনে ঢাকা-চট্টগ্রাম-ঢাকারুটে মহানগর প্রভাতী ট্রেনের নতুন কোচ উদ্বোধনকালে রেলমন্ত্রী মুজিবুল হক স্লিপারে বাঁশ ব্যবহার শতভাগ যৌক্তিকবলেছেন। এ ছাড়াও রেলের ক্ষতিগ্রস্ত স্লিপার পুনর্নির্মাণ না করে বাঁশ ব্যবহারকে যৌক্তিক হিসেবে ব্যাখ্যা দিয়েছেন রেলওয়ের অতিরিক্ত মহাপরিচালক। তার ভাষায়, ‘যদিও স্টিলের পাত দেওয়ার কথা কিন্তু পাত চুরি হয়ে যায় বলে সেজন্যে আমরা বাঁশের ফালি দিয়ে কাঠামোটা আটকে রাখি। এই অংশ লাইনের ভার বহন করে না। এমনকী এটা স্ট্রাকচারের অংশও না। এটা কোনোভাবেই অযৌক্তিক নয়। পাশাপাশি রেলমন্ত্রী বলেন, বাঁশের দ্বারা কখনো ট্রেন চলে না। লাইনে বাঁশ কেবল সহায়ক হিসেবে ব্যবহার করা হয়েছে। জনসাধারণের অবগতির জন্য বিষয়টি খুব স্পষ্ট করে পত্র-পত্রিকায় তুলে ধরছি।
 
ফলে মন্ত্রীর কথায় রেলওয়ের যাত্রীরা কিংবা জনসাধারণ কি আশ্বস্ত হতে পারেন যে, বিষয়টি শতভাগ আধুনিক, নিরাপদ দক্ষ ও বিজ্ঞানসম্মত? এমনকী মন্ত্রী ও অতিরিক্ত মহাপরিচালকের বক্তব্য নিয়ে প্রশ্ন জাগে,কাঠামো স্ট্রাকচারবলতে কী বুঝায় এবং তাদের মাঝে পার্থক্য কী? দেখা যাচ্ছে, এ ধরনের বক্তব্যের সমর্থনে কোনো ইঞ্জিনিয়ারিং বা প্রকৌশলগত ব্যাখ্যা নেই। বরং চুরির ভয়ে লোহার পাতের পরিবর্তে বাঁশের ফালি ব্যবহারের নজির একমাত্র বাংলাদেশই পৃথিবীতে স্থাপন করেছে। এছাড়া সেই বাঁশ ব্যবহারে প্রকৌশলগত ও পরীক্ষিত স্থায়ীত্ব কতখানি সেটা যখন রেলমন্ত্রী ও রেলওয়ের অতিরিক্ত মহাপরিচালক সাংবাদিকদের কাছে বলেননি, তখন তাতে আশ্বস্ত থাকা কিংবা জনসাধারণের  জ্ঞাতার্থে তা পত্র-পত্রিকায় তুলে ধরাটাও নিরর্থক। তাই অসহায় যাত্রীদের নিরাপদ ভ্রমণের কথা ভেবে সুদূর প্রবাসে বসেও উৎকণ্ঠিত হতে হয়!

অথচ বাংলাদেশ সরকারের রেলপথ মন্ত্রণালয়ের সিটিজেন চার্টারবা সেবা প্রদান প্রতিশ্রুতির ভিশন ও মিশনে যথাক্রমে বলা হয়েছে,একটি নিরাপদ, সাশ্রয়ী, আধুনিক ও পরিবেশবান্ধব রেলওয়ে পরিবহন ব্যবস্থাএবং রেলওয়ে পরিবহন ব্যবস্থা আধুনিকায়নের মাধ্যমে দেশব্যাপী নিরাপদ, সাশ্রয়ী এবং দক্ষ রেলওয়ে নেটওয়ার্ক গড়ে তোলা

উইকিপিডিয়া থেকে জানা যায়, রেল ফাসেনিং সিস্টেমহচ্ছে যে রেলপথ সুদৃঢ় কাঠামো বা ভিত্তির উপর আবদ্ধ থাকে। যেখানে স্লিপার বা টাইকে আবদ্ধ রাখতে প্রয়োজন, স্ক্রিউ বা বল্ট, ইলাসটোমেরিক প্যাড, টেনশন ওয়াশার, রেল ক্লাম্প, টেনশনিং বল্ট ও বেসপ্লেট। আর এ সকল যন্ত্রাংশই পুরো কাঠামোকে স্থিতিস্থাপক রুজ্জুতে আবদ্ধ রাখে। অর্থাৎ রেলপথের দুই ট্র্যাক গেজকে সুনির্দিষ্ট ও সঠিক দূরত্বে আবদ্ধ রাখতে এই রুজ্জু ব্যবস্থা ট্র্যাক ব্যালাস্টসাবগ্রেডচাপকে ভারসাম্যপূর্ণভাবে ছড়িয়ে দেয়। কেননা স্লিপারকে ইমপ্যাক্টবা চাপ এবং ভাইব্রেশনবা স্পন্দন বা পরিস্পন্দন সইতে হয়। এটি কাঠামোগত স্থায়ীত্ব বা লংগিচুডাইনাল স্ট্যাবিলিটিসুনিশ্চিত করে। এক্ষেত্রে সাধারণত কাঠের ব্যবহার রয়েছে। পাশাপাশি ইউরোপ ও এশিয়ায় প্রি-স্ট্রেশড কংক্রিট, যুক্তরাজ্যে স্টিলের টাই এবং প্লাস্টিক কমপোসিট টাই ব্যবহৃত হয়।

অতএব, রেলপথের স্লিপারে রেলমন্ত্রী ও রেলওয়ের অতিরিক্ত মহাপরিচালকেরবাঁশের ফালিব্যবহার যে শতভাগ যৌক্তিকনয়, তা দিবালোকের মতো পরিস্কার ও সুষ্পষ্ট। একই সঙ্গে এ সংক্রান্ত বক্তব্য জনসাধারণের জ্ঞাতার্থে পত্র-পত্রিকায় তুলে ধরাটা কতটা যৌক্তিক এবং রেল মন্ত্রণালয়ের সিটিজেন চার্টারঅনুযায়ী কতটা নিরাপদ, আধুনিক ও দক্ষতাসম্পন্ন, কেবল তারাই বলতে পারেন!

Tuesday, January 17, 2017

Bangladesh’s plan is a ‘step backwards’

Nita Bhalla in New Dehli for Thomson Reuters Foundation
Bangladesh will be taking a step backwards in efforts to end child marriage if parliament approves changes to a law that would permit girls below 18 to be married in “special cases”, a global alliance of charities said last week.
The nation has one of the highest rates of child marriage in the world, despite a decades-old law that bans marriage for girls under 18 and men under 21.
Girls Not Brides, a coalition of more than 650 charities, said Bangladesh’s parliament was expected to consider the proposed change to the Child Marriage Restraint Act during the next session beginning on 22 January.
Girls Not Brides in Bangladesh said the proposed change was “alarming” and a step backwards for the country, which has reduced child marriage in recent years.
“We have worked with thousands of girls who have been pulled out of education, married off early, bear the scars of early pregnancy, and forced to marry their abusers. This is simply unacceptable,” said a spokesperson from the alliance’s Bangladesh chapter in a statement.
The proposed law was open to abuse since it gave no definition of the term “special cases”, Girls Not Brides said.
Statements by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina suggest exceptions would apply in instances of accidental pregnancy, or where a marriage would help to protect a girl’s “honour” and the family’s reputation in this largely conservative society.
Bangladeshi officials were not immediately available for comment.
Along with Niger, Central African Republic, Chad, Mali, Guinea, South Sudan and Burkina Faso, Bangladesh is among the eight countries with the highest rates of child marriage, despite moves to strengthen law enforcement and toughen penalties against the crime.
In 2011, 32.5% of girls aged between 15 and 19 were married compared with 37.5% a decade before, said Girls Not Brides, citing data from Bangladesh’s Bureau of Statistics.
Campaigners say girls face a greater risk of rape, domestic violence and forced pregnancies – which may put their lives in danger – as a result of being married as children.
Child brides are often denied the chance to go to school, are isolated from society and forced into lives of economic dependence as wives and mothers.
Yet the practice continues largely due to a combination of social acceptance and government inaction, activists say.
“Marriage before 18 does not ensure a pregnant girl’s safety,” said Lakshmi Sundaram, executive director for Girls Not Brides. “In reality, it exposes her to the risk of sexual, physical and psychological violence.
“The progress Bangladesh has made to address child marriage is impressive, and reflects a real commitment from the highest levels of the government. Now is not the time to regress.”

আদালতের রায়ের আগেই বেগম জিয়াকে প্রকাশ্যে ‘জেলে যাওয়ার’ হুমকি দেয়া কি আইন পরিপন্থি নয়?

মোহাম্মদ আলী বোখারী, টরন্টো থেকে


সকলেই জানেন, ২০০৭ সালে ১/১১-র ‘ফখরুদ্দীন-মইনুদ্দিন’ সরকার বর্তমান প্রধানমন্ত্রী শেখ হাসিনা ও সাবেক প্রধানমন্ত্রী বেগম খালেদা জিয়াসহ উভয়ের প্রায় সমান সংখ্যক নেতাকর্মীর বিরুদ্ধে দুর্নীতি ও নানাবিধ মামলা দেয়। সংখ্যায় তা আট সহস্রাধিক ছিল। তবে ২০০৯ সালে বর্তমান প্রধানমন্ত্রীর দল ক্ষমতাসীন হলে তাদের সবগুলো মামলাই প্রত্যাহার করে নেওয়া হয়। অথচ খালেদা জিয়া ও তাঁর দলের মামলাগুলো সচল থাকে; এমনকি গত আট বছরে আরও মামলায় তাঁদের আষ্টেপৃষ্ঠে বেঁধে ফেলা হয়। এখন খালেদা জিয়ার বিরুদ্ধে পরিচালিত প্রধান মামলাগুলো শেষ পরিণতির দিকে ধাবিত এবং নতুন কিছু মামলার অভিযোগ গঠনের শুনানি পিছিয়ে গেছে।

আপাতদৃষ্টিতে সেই শেষ পরিণতির মামলাগুলো যেন ঘটনাক্রমে চূড়ান্ত: ‘লাগসই ও কাকতালীয়’। এক্ষেত্রে লক্ষণীয় বিষয়টি হচ্ছে -  গত ৮ জানুয়ারি রাডার কেনায় দুর্নীতির অভিযোগে প্রধানমন্ত্রীর বিশেষ দূত ও জাতীয় পার্টির চেয়ারম্যান হুসেইন মুহম্মদ এরশাদের বিরুদ্ধে করা মামলায় হাইকোর্টের দেওয়া রায় বাতিল করে দেয় সুপ্রিমকোর্ট। পাশাপাশি ৩১ মার্চের মধ্যে এরশাদের রাডার মামলা নিষ্পত্তির নির্দেশও দেয়। পরদিন ৯ জানুয়ারি দুপুরে এরশাদ রংপুর নগরীর পল্লী নিবাস বাসভবনে সাংবাদিকদের সঙ্গে মতবিনিময়কালে বলেন, ‘শুনতে পাচ্ছি খালেদা জিয়াও জেলে যাচ্ছেন, আমি এখন সেই দিনের অপেক্ষায় আছি’। একই সঙ্গে তিনি ইসি গঠন প্রসঙ্গে বলেন, ‘বিএনপির মানা না মানা নিয়ে কিছুই যায় আসে না। সরকার যে সিদ্ধান্ত দেবে আর তাতে যদি আমরা সমর্থন দিই সেটাই চূড়ান্ত হবে। কারণ, বিএনপির অবস্থা খুবই করুণ। তাদের অস্তিত্ব টিকিয়ে রাখাই এখন কঠিন হয়ে গেছে।’ এরপর ১০ জানুয়ারি বঙ্গবন্ধুর স্বদেশ প্রত্যাবর্তন দিবসে সোহরাওয়ার্দী উদ্যানে আওয়ামী লীগের জনসভায় খালেদা জিয়ার মামলায় হাজিরা প্রসঙ্গে প্রধানমন্ত্রী শেখ হাসিনা বলেন, ‘তিনি এতিমের টাকা চুরি করেন, একবার হাজিরা দেন তো পরে আদালতে হাজিরা না দিয়ে পালিয়ে বেড়ান। তাঁর কাছ থেকে রাজনীতি শিখতে হবে না। গণতন্ত্র শিখতে হবে না।’ অর্থাৎ প্রধানমন্ত্রী মামলার রায় ছাড়াই জানেন, ‘খালেদা জিয়া এতিমের টাকা চুরি করেছেন’। একই ভাবে এরশাদও নিশ্চিত ‘খালেদা জিয়া জেলে যাচ্ছেন’। এতে উভয়ের ভাষ্যে যেন আইনের সর্বজনীন বিধান ‘প্রিসাম্পশন অব ইনোসেন্স’ বা ‘নির্দোষের অনুমিতি’টি লাপাত্তা!

কিন্তু ‘প্রিসাম্পশন অব ইনোসেন্স’ বা ‘নির্দোষের অনুমিতি’টি হচ্ছে বিশ্বজনীন মানবাধিকার, যা জাতিসংঘ মানবাধিকার সনদের ১১ অনুচ্ছেদে এবং একই ভাবে ইউরোপীয় ইউনিয়নের মৌলিক অধিকারের ৪৮ অনুচ্ছেদে বিবৃত। এই ‘নির্দোষের অনুমিতি’র মুখ্য বক্তব্যটি হচ্ছে, ‘দোষী প্রমাণিত ব্যতীত সকলেই নির্দোষ’। এ জন্য ফৌজদারি মামলায় অভিযুক্তের উপর দায় চাপানো বা ‘বার্ডেন অব প্রুফ’ তাদের উপর প্রযোজ্য, যাঁরা তা ঘোষণা দেন। সেক্ষেত্রে দোষ প্রমাণে যথেষ্ট পরিমাণে বিশ্বাসযোগ্য প্রমাণাদি সংগ্রহ ও উপস্থাপনের দায়িত্বটিও তাঁদের উপর বর্তায়। পাশাপাশি আইনের দৃষ্টিতে গ্রহণযোগ্য প্রকৃত সাক্ষ্য ও সন্দেহাতীতভাবে দোষ প্রমাণ অপরিহার্য। আর যদি সেখানে বিন্দুমাত্র সন্দেহের অবকাশ থাকে তবে বেকসুর খালাস দিতে হয়। একমাত্র দেওয়ানী মামলা ছাড়া রোমান, কমন ল’ ও ইসলামিক আইনে সেটাই বিধান। বাংলাদেশ সংবিধানের ১৪(২) অনুচ্ছেদেও ‘দোষী প্রমাণিত ব্যতীত সকলেই নির্দোষ’ কথাটি বর্ণিত। পাশাপাশি মৌলিক অধিকারের ক্ষেত্রে ওই সংবিধানের ৩৫(১) অনুচ্ছেদ অনুযায়ী অপরাধকালীন সুনির্দিষ্ট অপরাধটিই বিবেচ্য, অন্য অপরাধ আরোপ আইন পরিপন্থি। এছাড়া ‘ইন্টারন্যাশনাল কভনেন্ট অন সিভিল অ্যান্ড পলিটিক্যাল রাইটস’-এ বাংলাদেশ ২০০০ সালের ৬ সেপ্টেম্বর থেকে একটি স্বাক্ষরদাতা দেশ। ফলে সংবিধানের ১৪ অনুচ্ছেদটি সমতা, নিরপেক্ষ আদালতে স্বচ্ছ বিচার, দোষ প্রমাণ ব্যতীত নির্দোষ, অপরাধ জানা, দ্রুত বিচার, আইনগত পরামর্শ, সাক্ষীর শুনানি, দোষ স্বীকার, আপিল ও দোটানা থেকে মুক্তির অধিকারগুলো অভিযুক্তের ক্ষেত্রে নিশ্চিত করা হয়েছে।

তাতে সাবেক প্রধানমন্ত্রী বেগম খালেদা জিয়ার বিরুদ্ধে পরিচালিত মামলায় তিনি কি ‘নির্দোষের অনুমিতি’র পরিপ্রেক্ষিতে জনসমক্ষে কোনো প্রকার অপবাদ, ভর্ৎসনা কিংবা ‘জেলে যাওয়া’ জাতীয় হুমকির সম্মুখীন হতে পারেন? উত্তরটি সহজেই বোধগম্য ও অনুমেয়। তথাপি এ ক্ষেত্রে একটি রাষ্ট্রের সরকার প্রধান ও প্রধানমন্ত্রী কিংবা তার বিশেষ দূতের আইন পরিপন্থি কথাবার্তাগুলো কী পর্যায়ে বিবেচ্য, সেটি একটি যথার্থ প্রশ্নই বটে! যদি প্রধানমন্ত্রীর দায়িত্ব গ্রহণের শপথনামার দিকে নজর দেওয়া যায়, তবে ওই দায়িত্বের ‘প্রাইমা ফেসি অব ডিউটি’ অর্থাৎ বাধ্যবাধকতামূলক দায়িত্বটি হচ্ছে, তিনি কারো প্রতি কোনো প্রকার রাগ-অনুরাগ-বিরাগ ও অনুকম্পা ব্যতীত নিজ মন্ত্রণালয়ের প্রশাসনিক, রাষ্ট্রীয় নিরাপত্তা, গোয়েন্দা তৎপরতা, স্বায়ত্তশাসিত প্রতিষ্ঠান, মন্ত্রণালয়সমূহের সার্বিক সমন্বয় সাধন ও আনুষ্ঠানিকতাতেই সীমাবদ্ধ থাকবেন। একই ভাবে তার বিশেষ দূতের পরিসীমাটিও সুনির্দিষ্ট পরিসরেই সীমাবদ্ধ। তাই অগ্রবর্তী যাত্রায় জাতি নিশ্চয়ই কারো ক্ষেত্রে সেই ব্যত্যয়টি প্রত্যাশা করে না।

-         লেখক রাজনৈতিক বিশ্লেষক।

Saturday, January 14, 2017

Between and betwixt freedom and fear

By Fazal M. Kamal


Since women and men don’t live by bread alone it obviously follows that they can’t live only by economics either. And even that is coming under pressure for any number of causes in recent times. Humans, by nature and as has been repeatedly proven over historical time, seek after a point certain intangibles and perhaps even the metaphysical, verging on the sublime, to feel content (provided they ever do; but that’s one whole other story).


In Bangladesh, as has also been previously attempted in many other countries, the notion that is being promoted with some zeal is that development and economic progress should suffice for the nation. And on the other hand, restricting in extreme proportions dissent and criticism, and strangulating opposition politics are prices that ought to be worth paying since the administration is offering muscular statistics that should please.


That, it must be underlined, is a proposal that has lived past its sell-by date and, to some extent, even in a place like China where people have existed through numerous emperors and invaders; and even Russia has experienced stirrings of opposition to the iron hand of Kremlin residents in spite of inexplicable deaths and detentions on murky pretexts. But of course one can say little about some so-called “newly-independent” states mostly in Central Asia and Eastern Europe where a number of rulers with the assiduous support of henchmen have continued to lord it over while avariciously enriching themselves.


But to cut to the chase in this instance, despite the numbers and figures proudly proclaimed by government spokespersons, it is indubitable that a disquiet of one degree or another does vex the nation. And this in spite of or perhaps because of flagrant flackery in circles normally extant in stratospheric regions. The stifling of voices other than those preferred by the powers that be, definitely, also doesn’t help improve the situation; rather it takes on the power to aggravate several degrees more. Consequently, at some point the wonderful taste of success morphs into distasteful excesses.


One reality at present that cannot be emphasized enough is the fact relating to deaths happening every single day in unexplained circumstances and corpses being discovered all across the country, as if society has gone berserk, and this deadly fact doesn’t include what has come to be described as extrajudicial annihilation in so-called shootouts a la Wild Wild West, as it were. Or not, maybe. What, however, makes all of this more unpalatable is the inability of the law enforcement machinery to stanch the persistent slide in this murderous direction.

It has to be noted by administration leaders---though not all of them will have the ability to do so---that you can squelch thoughts critical of government policies and/or decisions, you can muzzle dissent that isn’t meant to harm anyone specifically, and you can curb the activities of the political adversaries only up to some, perhaps, unspecified point; but after that it becomes a futile exercise (as has been demonstrated repeatedly over the centuries) and this may even come back to gnash into your gluteus maximus. Not an actuality that hasn’t been known to occur often over the eons.


In this context it is valid to note an observation made recently by Human Rights Watch: “The rise of populist leaders in the United States and Europe poses a dangerous threat to basic rights protections while encouraging abuse by autocrats around the world. Donald Trump’s election as US president after a campaign fomenting hatred and intolerance, and the rising influence of political parties in Europe that reject universal rights, have put the postwar human rights system at risk.” It added that “demagogues threaten human rights” in these present times.

The perennial fear is that governments appealing to the most basic instincts and base nature of the electorate, as underscored in the above paragraph, can and mostly likely will act on their crudest tenets when push comes to shove, as the phrase goes. To one extent or perhaps to another, Bangladesh over the decades has already tasted this type of abomination. But the greater worry is that as the world has continued to evolve, so has the poisonous stuff in statecraft. In fact, a perusal of missives of felicitations sent to D. Trump after his triumph by state leaders from around the world makes for a wonderfully revealing read!

Apart from facing economic challenges, now and in the near future particularly due to the dearth of opportunities available to those who have received a fair amount of education or training as also due to the exigencies in the world’s economies, in Bangladesh there is a persistent anxiety engendered by insecurity of life, limb and property. In such cases lately it has been observed there are increasing instances involving the so-called minority communities; a deeply despicable fact by and in itself with one organization stating that in the past year alone there has been a five-fold rise in attacks on these people many of whom feel vulnerable even in other times.


While reviewing this scenario it can’t be helped but peer into the role enacted by law enforcement entities. Whether because of outside pressure (mainly from politically influential honchos) or whether because of apprehensions arising out of not toeing the party line or whether because of the actions of rogue elements, law enforcement plays an outsize and conspicuous role which, obviously and naturally, often appear to go against the interests of the populace. Ditto with persons mandated to collect internal revenue---though evidently their actions at times can rise to the level of Keystone Cops! But that of course in no way assuages the feelings of the affected people.


And we haven’t even glanced at such matters as sticky fingers, greased palms, extortion under threat of being kneecapped, largess being spread around like it’s going out of style tomorrow (while on this point, it maybe noted that tomorrow in fact never comes for some), purported masters of the media succumbing to pressure and intimidation, mostly unemployed youths but most times claiming to be students taking comprehensive advantage of links to the ruling party and in general functioning as loose cannons all over the country, and so on and so forth. Yes, the laundry list can be as long as an arm and a leg.


The ultimate reality is that mysterious disappearances, unexplained murders, incarceration on absurdly tenuous grounds, constant hounding of political adversaries and similar other actions have not ever---as in never ever---assured the tranquil continuation of any order without the willing acquiescence of other essential actors and more importantly and primarily that of the people. Legitimacy in governance can be attained only from the free participation of the electorate.

Given the circumstances it will be most pertinent to conclude by quoting Thomas Jefferson: “The basis of our government being the opinion of the people, the very first object should be to keep that right; and were it left to me to decide, whether we should have a government without newspapers, or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter.” At another time he declared, “Our liberty depends on the freedom of the press, and that cannot be limited without being lost.”

Anyone listening? Yet?

Friday, January 13, 2017

The state of human rights in Bangladesh

The following is from the Bangladesh section of Human Rights Watch World Report 2017:


Bangladesh witnessed a spate of violent attacks against secular bloggers, academics, gay rights activists, foreigners, and members of religious minorities in 2016.

On July 1, armed gunmen attacked the Holey Artisan Bakery, a café in Dhaka, killing 21 people, including foreigners, while holding Bangladeshi staff and guests hostage until security forces stormed the café the next morning. On July 8, three people were killed at a checkpoint when gunmen carrying bombs tried to attack a gathering to mark the Muslim Eid holiday.

Although Islamist extremist groups, including the Islamic State or ISIS, claimed responsibility for most of these killings, the government blamed domestic groups, and said some had links to the main opposition political parties. Thousands of people were arrested, and dozens of alleged members or supporters of extremist groups are said to have been killed in armed encounters.

Fire and safety factory inspections continued in the garment industry following agreements between big brands and the Bangladeshi government arising out of the 2013 Rana Plaza disaster. However, a September fire in a packaging factory killed at least 24 people, highlighting the need for further efforts to ensure worker rights and safety.

Security Force Abuse and Impunity


Bangladesh security forces have a long history of arbitrary arrest, enforced disappearance, and extrajudicial killing, raising concerns about recent arrests and deaths. The Detective Branch of the police, the Bangladesh Border Guards (BGB), the Directorate General Forces Inspectorate (DGFI), and the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) have all been accused of serious violations.

In June 2016, security forces arrested nearly 15,000 people, mostly young men, in connection with a series of attacks targeting writers, minority religious leaders, and activists.

Following the July attack on the Holey Artisan Café, security forces reportedly arbitrarily detained and in many cases killed suspected militants. Two of the hostages in the attack were secretly arrested and detained for over a month until international and national pressure forced the government to admit to holding them in detention. A kitchen assistant, initially suspected to be one of the attackers, was allegedly tortured to death. The government announced several raids in various parts of the country but, due to lack of transparency about security force abuses and the ongoing government clampdown on media, details of those killed or arrested remain unclear.

Attacks on Civil Society


Human rights groups in Bangladesh face constant obstacles, including escalating harassment and surveillance by police. A new law placed strong restrictions on receiving foreign funds without approval by the NGO Affairs Bureau within the Prime Minister’s Office.

Journalists are also a common target. The editor of the English-language Daily Star, Mahfuz Anam, faces a total of 54 criminal defamation cases and 15 sedition cases. Fifty-five cases have been filed against editor Matiur Rahman and some journalists associated with the country’s highest circulation daily, Prothom Alo, for criminal defamation and “hurting religious sentiment.”

Freedom of Expression


Several laws were proposed in 2016 to increase restrictions on freedom of expression. The Distortion of the History of Bangladesh Liberation War Crimes Act provides for imprisonment and fines if details of the 1971 war of independence are debated or disputed. The Foreign Donation (Voluntary Activities) Regulation Act, passed in October, to control nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) will hinder freedoms of expression and association. Proposed Press Council Act amendments include provisions for closing newspapers.

The government continues to use the overly broad and vague Information and Communication Technology Act against people critical of decisions and activities of senior government officials or their families.

Bloggers expressing secular views and editors and writers supporting sexual minority rights were attacked in 2016, many of them hacked to death in public spaces. While authorities condemned the attacks, some recommended that individuals holding unpopular views censor themselves, implying that the responsibility for avoiding such attacks lay with the victims.

Minorities


Several religious leaders were killed or injured in targeted attacks, allegedly by the same extremist Muslim groups that targeted secular writers. In April, the advocacy group Hindu-Buddha-Christian Oikya Parishad said there had been three times more incidents of violence against minority communities in the first three months of 2016 than in all of 2015. Hindu shrines, temples and homes were attacked over the October 2016 Diwali festival. The government responded by arresting several hundred suspects, but some sporadic attacks against the Hindu community continued.

Thousands of indigenous people in the Chittagong Hill Tracts and other areas are at risk of forced displacement.

Environment


Workers in the tanneries of Hazaribagh, a residential area in Dhaka, continue to suffer from highly toxic and dangerous working conditions, while residents of nearby slums complain of illnesses caused by the tanneries’ extreme pollution of air, water, and soil. The government continues its de facto policy of not enforcing labor and environmental laws with respect to the tanneries and has failed to insist on the relocation of the tanneries to a dedicated industrial zone in Savar, ignoring a High Court decision from 2001.

Some 20 years after the problem of arsenic in Bangladesh’s drinking water first came to the world’s attention, 20 million people in Bangladesh are still drinking water contaminated with arsenic above the national standard. Deeper wells drilled down approximately 150 meters into the ground can often supply higher-quality water without arsenic, but some politicians are diverting funds for such wells to political supporters and allies, a practice facilitated by a government policy permitting national parliamentarians to influence the siting of 50 percent of all new government water points.

Labor Rights


Bangladeshi authorities again failed to implement their commitments under the Sustainability Compact in 2016. These include amending the Labour Act and laws governing Export Processing Zones to bring them in line with international standards. Largely, factory officials were not held accountable for attacks, threats, and retaliation against workers involved with unions.

In August, a Bangladeshi court charged 18 people with murder for the 2013 collapse of the Rana Plaza textile factory, which killed 1,135 people and injured hundreds.

In September, another factory fire and building collapse in a packaging factory killed 31 workers and injured another 50.

Women’s and Girls’ Rights


Bangladesh government data indicates that the percentage of girls marrying before age 18 declined from 65 percent in 2014 to 52 percent in 2016, and that 18 percent of girls still marry before the age of 15, the highest rate in Asia and among the highest in the world. In 2014, the government pledged to end marriage of children younger than 15 by 2021, and marriage younger than 18 by 2041.

In 2016, the government undermined progress toward these goals by continuing to push for weakening of the law governing the minimum age of marriage. At present, the minimum age of marriage for women is 18 with no exceptions, but the government proposed to allow 16- and 17-year-old girls to marry with parental consent, a change that would constitute a de facto lowering of the age of marriage, as most marriages are arranged by parents. A national plan on ending child marriage, promised by end-2014, had still not been finalized at time of writing.

Stalking, sexual harassment, and violent retaliation against and even murder of women and girls who protest such harassment continued in 2016. Prompt investigation and prosecution in such cases continues to be rare.

Indigenous women and girls face multiple forms of discrimination due to their gender, indigenous identity, and socio-economic status; they are especially vulnerable to sexual and gender-based violence.

Overseas Workers


Millions of Bangladeshis work abroad, sending home remittances worth billions of US dollars. In 2016 alone, almost 100,000 women migrated overseas, mostly to Gulf countries, for domestic work. The government has sought to increase the recruitment of such workers without putting in place adequate mechanisms to protect them against workplace abuses. Bangladeshi workers in the Gulf continue to report being deprived of food and forced to endure psychological, physical, and sexual abuse. In some cases, such abuses amount to forced labor or trafficking. Some Bangladeshi domestic workers pay high recruitment fees and take out loans in order to migrate.

Bangladesh has set a minimum salary for domestic workers in the Gulf equivalent to roughly US$200, the lowest minimum salary of all sending countries—and its embassies in the region do not provide adequate protection and assistance to many Bangladeshi nationals there.

Refugees


Bangladesh began its first census of undocumented Rohingya refugees in June, setting off fears that it might lead to a mass relocation or forcible repatriation to Burma. About 32,000 Rohingya are sheltered in camps administered by the United Nations, but hundreds of thousands who have never been allowed to register as refugees or to lodge asylum claims live undocumented in squalid, makeshift camps, or in private dwellings scattered around southeast Bangladesh, vulnerable to human traffickers and exploited as cheap labor.

War Crimes Trials


The International Crimes Tribunal (ICT), set up to address laws of war violations committed during Bangladesh’s 1971 independence movement, continued its operations in 2015 without addressing serious procedural and substantive defects. In September, the government executed Mir Qasem Ali, a senior member of the executive committee of the opposition Jamaat-e-Islaami party, for crimes he alleged committed in 1971, even as the country’s chief justice criticized the attorney general, the prosecution, and investigators for producing insufficient evidence in the case. The government secretly detained Ali’s son, a key member of his defense team, denied him access to his father before execution, and forbade him from participating in the funeral.

Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity


Prominent gay activists Xulhaz Mannan, the founder of Roopbaan, Bangladesh’s first lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) magazine, and Mahbub Rabby Tonoy, the general secretary of the group, were hacked to death in April. Al-Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS) claimed responsibility for the killings. Fearing for their lives, many LGBT activists sought temporary refuge outside the country.

“Carnal intercourse against the order of nature” carries a maximum sentence of 10 years in prison. The government has twice rejected recommendations to repeal the colonial-era law during its Universal Periodic Review at the UN Human Rights Council.

The Bangladesh cabinet in 2014 declared legal recognition of a third gender category for hijras—a traditional cultural identity for transgender people who, assigned male at birth, do not identify as men—but the absence of a definition of the term or procedure for gaining recognition of third gender status led to abuses in implementation of the legal change. In June and July 2015, a group of hijras were subjected to harassment and invasive and abusive physical examinations at a government hospital as a requirement to join a government employment program.

Key International Actors


India, the United Kingdom, and the United States, countries with significant influence over the Bangladesh government, remained largely silent on the country’s human rights record in their public statements in 2016. The UK said nothing publicly at all.

The US Department of Justice funded and trained an internal investigations program within the RAB, but the program produced no human rights prosecutions or convictions in 2016, and US authorities said little publicly to signal the importance of holding RAB officers accountable for human rights crimes. In July, Secretary of State John Kerry offered US assistance to Bangladeshi authorities investigating the militant attack on the Holey Artisan Bakery that killed 21 people in Dhaka.

The United Nations High Commissioner on Human Rights raised concerns about the lack of fairness in the war crimes trials and about arbitrary and illegal arrests, but the Bangladeshi government ignored the statements.

'Dirty' Coal in Heritage Forest in Bangladesh

By Vijay Prashad / AlterNet
 

At the edge of the great Sundarbans, in Bangladesh, sits the town of Rampal. The Sundarbans – a UNESCO World Heritage Site spanning southern Bangladesh and India – is a vast mangrove forest that is the home to the fabled Royal Bengal Tiger. Rich in flora and fauna, the Sundarbans has inspired academic research (Annu Jalais’ Forest Of Tigers) and works of fiction (Amitav Ghosh’s The Hungry Tide). The forest is essential to millions of people who either eke out their sustainable livelihoods from its wealth or who are protected from storms, cyclones and tidal surges by its remarkable capacity to absorb the energy of the Bay of Bengal.

Studies by the UN and others show that as a result of global warming, the coastline has retreated by a few hundred meters. Rising waters have already claimed the Lohachara Island and the Bangabandhu Island, with the Ghoramara Island close to being submerged. UNESCO warned in 2007 that a 45-centimeter rise in water levels would ravage 75 per cent of the Sundarbans.

Changing climate – as a result of the maddening ravenous capitalist system – threatens the Sundarbans. But – on an even shorter time-scale – a coal-fired power plant, built at the edge of the Sundarbans, endangers this World Heritage Site with its effluents in the water and in the air. The parties involved are multinational banks, as well as the Indian government’s drive to create infrastructure projects that deepen India’s ‘big neighbor’ status in Bangladesh.

In 2010, India’s National Thermal Power Corporation and the Bangladesh Power Development Board signed a Memorandum of Understanding to build a 1320-megawatt plant in Rampal. The two partners said that the plant would be 14 kilometers from the Sundarbans. Bangladesh’s government has designated a 10-kilometer perimeter from the Sundarbans, a zone known as the Environmentally Critical Area (ECA). It is illegal to build something like a coal-fired power plant within the ECA. Activists contend that the plant is actually not 14-kilometers away, but only 9-kilometers – namely that it is within the ECA and so violates the law. This has been brushed away. The plant – despite grave environmental threats – will likely be completed and will expel its first carbon into the atmosphere in 2019.

Pressure from activist platforms such as the National Committee to Protect Oil, Gas, Mineral Resources, Power and Ports as well as National Committee to Protect the Sundarbans forced the High Court to insist on an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA). The Department of Environment hurried to produce an EIA without public comment. It concluded – as was expected – that the plant was ‘environmentally friendly.’ With this EIA in hand, the governments of Bangladesh and India moved on 20 April 2013 from a Memorandum of Understanding to an Agreement to build the power plant.

But the EIA’s data and other material from other departments of the Bangladesh government suggest that things should not move so smoothly. The report suggests that the plant will spew 18 million tons of carbon dioxide (along with sulphur dioxide and nitrogen dioxide) as well as hundreds of thousands of tons of fly and bottom ash. Enormous amounts of water – from the already depleted Passur River – will have to be used to cool the plant, and then this dirty water will be released into the precious mangrove forest.

On 29 September 2011, in an act of public dissent, the chief conservationist of the Directorate of Forests – Ishtiaque Uddin Khan – wrote a letter to the Ministry of Forests about the dangers of the Rampal Power Plant. ‘It would not be wise,’ he wrote, ‘ to construct any industrial factory inside the Sundarbans. The construction of a coal-based power-plant will threaten the Royal Bengal Tiger and all of the biodiversity of the Sundarbans.’ This letter was likely filed in a vault, which will next be opened by a historian long after the Sundarbans have vanished.

Strikingly, another dissent came from the Ministry of Shipping of the Bangladesh government. Almost five million tons of coal will have to be transported to the plant. This cargo will be carried by large ships to the Akram Port, and then by smaller ships to the Rampal site. The letter from the Shipping Ministry says that the ‘increased ship movement through water channels in the Sundarbans Reserved forest will disturb the serene environment of Sundarbans.’ Knowing the realities of shipping, the Ministry’s official wrote that the large and smaller ships ‘may cause oil pollution due to seepage, leakage and pumping out of bilges from the ship into the forest rivers.’ This is bad, he wrote, because ‘oil once discharged may cover the breathing roots of the Sundari [mangrove] trees endangering their growth and ultimately leading towards depletion of the forest.’

In March last year, UNESCO sent a team to the Sundarbans to assess the impact of the power plant on the World Heritage Site. Their report – released in June – suggested that the plant had a ‘high likelihood’ of ‘contamination’ of the Sundarbans from ‘air and water pollution’ and from shipping and dredging. In other words, the UNESCO team agreed with the dissenters in the Bangladesh government and with the activists. Its conclusion is clear – ‘It is recommended that the Rampal power plant project is cancelled and relocated to a more suitable location where it would not impact negatively on the Sundarbans Reserved Forest and its property.’

Even this UNESCO verdict came after a great deal of internal struggle by Bangladeshi activists. The initial UNESCO fact-finding mission was heavily corralled and managed by the Bangladeshi government, denying access to any critical voices. In a blistering critique of UNESCO, Maha Mirza wrote, ‘What are we supposed to make of it? Your lack of understanding of the ground politics? Your faith in “super critical” technology? The Memorandum of Understanding that you had to sign up for? A play-safe strategy?’ (‘Dear UNESCO, do you have a Plan B?’, Dhaka Tribune, 10 April 2016). It was only after being held to account by local activists that UNESCO finally reached out to critical voices.

Anu Muhammad is Professor of Economics at Jahangirnagar University, and one of the leading leftist critics of neoliberalism in Bangladesh (he was one of the earliest Bangladeshi critics of the debt microcredit model of Muhammad Yunus’ Nobel Prize winning Grameen Bank). In his role as convener of the National Committee to Protect Oil, Gas, Mineral Resources, Power and Ports Anu Muhammad commented, ‘The UNESCO report proves that the statement we’ve been issuing for so long is scientific and justified. Instead of mulling over how to reply to the UNESCO report, the government should look into how speedily it can cancel this project.’ Sultana Kamal, senior human rights activist, secularism advocate, and convener of the National Committee to Protect the Sundarbans, said that the UNESCO report ‘adds to a growing body of independent expert analyses showing the many ways the Rampal coal plant’s inadequate pollution controls and inappropriate site location will harm the Sundarbans.’

Part of the frustration is that the deal tremendously advantages India’s National Thermal Power Corporation (NTPC), who has put equity into the plant, but will benefit from sale of coal to it and has limited risks if the plant fails. Cancellation of the project would leave the bill in Bangladesh’s hands. It is not clear how much liability will vest with the Indian partner. Esa Abrar, a New York-based architect and international secretary for Protibesh Andolan (Ecology Movement), wryly notes, ‘If the Bangladesh government has to depict their obedience towards India by destroying the Sundarbans, then Bangladesh does not need any other foes.’

Bangladesh certainly has a shortfall in its energy production. But other alternatives exist. ‘There are many alternatives for electricity,’ says the slogan in the poster above, ‘There is no other Sundarbans.’ Jenny Bock of Friends of the Earth says, ‘Bangladesh’s government should expand the country’s already flourishing solar industry to improve access to electricity and help the country develop sustainably, neither of which will be accomplished by building a coal plant near the Sundarbans.’

Our carbon civilization threatens the Bangladeshi coastline. If Bangladesh builds a coal-fired plant right on this front-line of climate change, how could it make the case to other states who need to urgently quit their carbon-addiction?

*January 11, 2017*

Vijay Prashad is professor of international studies at Trinity College in Hartford, Connecticut. He is the author of 18 books, including Arab Spring, Libyan Winter (AK Press, 2012), The Poorer Nations: A Possible History of the Global South (Verso, 2013) and The Death of a Nation and the Future of the Arab Revolution (University of California Press, 2016). His columns appear at AlterNet every Wednesday.