Shakhawat Hossain
With a clear design to stage another drama of 5 January like national polls slotted to be held at the end of this year, the ruling Bangladesh Awami League (BAL) has undertaken a fresh filthy tactic to further shrink the political space for the opposition parties, especially its arch-rival Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the biggest opposition party.
As part of the move, Awami League has started marching down the path of affording no space in the democratic dispensation to any political parties in the opposition camp but itself.
The Awami League and its front and associate organisations are bringing out processions almost every other day somewhere across the country, but the administration, mostly the police, is not allowing other political parties to hold not even a peaceful human chain, let along processions or demonstrations. The police are nakedly being used to come down heavily on all programmes of the BNP almost everywhere.
Such an ever growing erosion of democratic space has been an important feature of the political landscape of the election year. According to a recent joint statement by International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and its member organization in Bangladesh Odhikar, with a large-scale government crackdown on the opposition underway since earlier this year, many of the almost 5,000 opposition supporters arrested from January to March 2018 remain detained and face torture and other forms of ill-treatment.
FIDH and Odhikar also call on the EU to raise key concerns related to pervasive discrimination and violence against women, widespread labor rights violations, and the authorities’ repeated failure to protect the rights of indigenous communities. These calls are consistent with the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights’ March 2018 Concluding Observations on Bangladesh.
When the national elections are to be held by the year-end, such an attitude of the government, reflected through its police force, hardly looks to be anything but to stop political programmes of political parties in the opposition camp, especially the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, from gearing up to the elections. The police are seen to come down heavily even on the media covering police atrocities, which can be construed as efforts to stop the media from covering police misdeeds.
While such an attitude of the incumbents of shrinking the democratic space for political parties in the opposition might not only harm the political process, especially in the election year, but also contradicts with the Awami League’s position in that it has already embarked on political campaigns yet it has left others with no scope to do so.
Police deny permission for BNP’s May Day rally
Bangladesh Nationalist Party leaders on May 1, alleged that its associate workers’ body Sramik Dal could not hold any programme observing the International Workers’ Day as they were denied permission by police. They wanted to hold a rally at Suhrawardy Uddyan first to observe the day but being denied by police they wanted to start the procession their central office in Nayapaltan. BNP standing committee member, Sramik Dal president and noted labour leader Najrul Islam Khan has warned that they will lodge a complaint with the International Trade Union about depriving pro-BNP workers of their right to bring out a rally on the May Day. The party’s labour wing Jatiyatabadi Sramik Dalon alleged that they could neither hold a workers’ meeting nor take out a rally in the city marking the May Day because of the denial of permission by the Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP).
Is it consequence of the 2014 Election?
Now, the question is as to whether it is the consequence of the previously held one-sided polls in 2014. It is noted here that despite a series of general strikes, heightened violence, boycotts by 28 parties (out of 40 parties registered with the Election Commission), and the international community’s call for an inclusive election, the incumbent BAL went ahead with a one -sided election on 5 January 2014.
In late-2013, BNP-led alliance had launched countrywide no-stop movement to halt the election but failed to stop holding the controversial polls. However, immediately before the election, the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, promised that negotiations would be held after that poll for deciding on another election, ahead of schedule, for the very next parliament. But, BAL later on reneged on their promise to hold negotiations for a fresh election, and declared their intention to serve a full term until 2019.
The 5 January 2014 election was unprecedented and historic on many counts; four aspects deserve to be noted: the number of participating parties, the number of candidates in the election, the number of candidates elected unopposed, and the voter turnout. Only 12 parties took part. The number is the lowest in the history of the country, except the fourth parliamentary election held in 1988. The 1988 election was held under the military regime of General Ershad and was boycotted by all major political parties including the BAL and the BNP. The 1996 February election held under Khaleda Zia’s BNP regime was another which was boycotted by the BAL and all other major parties; yet on paper, 41parties, mostly obscure entities, took part.
The 5 January 2014 election records show that there was little enthusiasm among potential candidates: only 543, one-third of the number of candidates in the 2008 election, ran for office.
The astounding aspect of the 2014 election was the number of candidates who were elected unopposed. More than half of the members of parliament 153 out of 300 seats were elected before Election Day. The ‘election’ of 153 candidates unopposed is significant because even in the one-party sham election of February 1996 only 49 candidates were elected unopposed and therefore the 2014 election superseded that unpleasant record. It practically disenfranchised more than fifty percent of the voters. Of the total 91.965 million voters, 48.027 million voters were excluded altogether.
Regarding voter turnout, official sources, including the Bangladesh Election Commission, claimed that the turnout was 39 percent. But this figure is contested by the local and international press. The New York Times suggested about 22 percent voter turnout. It is worth noting that in 50 polling centres no votes were cast. Considering that the election was held for 147 seats, a 39 percent turnout is about 18 percent of the total voters.
The 2014 elections have delivered a de facto one parliament. Although the Jatiya Party (JP) led by a former dictator was coerced into participating in the election, and is designated as the official ‘opposition party’ in the new parliament, its members are also inducted into the cabinet and its chief is named as the Special Envoy of the Prime Minister. In recent years, and particularly since the beginning of 2014, restrictions on freedom of assembly, movement and speech have shrunk the democratic space significantly. Unrestrained use of force on the part of the government was reciprocated by the opposition with violence, especially targeting the common citizens.
Not only that, the number of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances has increased significantly. The government has resorted to a high degree of surveillance. All of these together have created a culture of fear due to extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances.
Political Space Refers
According to US-based National Democratic Institute (NDI), political space refers to the avenues, opportunities and entry points available for citizens to express their voice and influence political processes and outcomes. The relative degree of political space may be placed on a continuum from open and inclusive to closed and exclusive. Political space is considered open if citizens are able to communicate their preferences, organize, act individually and collectively and engage government without restrictions or harassment.
Democratic and socioeconomic development re-quires citizen participation to drive change and ensure accountable government. Without active citizen involvement in political life, public officials may be unresponsive to their constituents and the basic rights and freedoms of democracy can go unrealized. In order for citizens to play an active role, they must have open, accessible and inclusive political spaces.
The Closing Space Challenge
According to all around the world, contracting political space is a growing concern -not just in countries that have struggled under repressive or autocratic governments, but also in countries with a tradition of democratic practices and norms. Governments have increasingly taken steps to limit citizens’ ability to actively participate in political life and have suppressed, rather than responded to, citizens’ expression of their priorities, observed National Democratic Institute (NDI).
According to NDI, restrictions on political space frequently occur in the form of legal and institutional barriers that hamper citizens’ ability to actively participate in the political process. In attempts to silence critical or reform minded voices, governments may restrict space for both international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) and local civic actors. As Douglas Rutzen from the International Center for Not for Profit Law discusses in “Civil Society Un-der Assault”, the legal and regulatory measures governments use to curtail citizens’ political participation include limits on fundamental rights, such as freedom of assembly, association and speech.
To monitor the activities of civil society, many countries require civic groups, associations, and networks to register with the government.
These registration processes can be burdensome, requiring large amounts of paperwork and onerous bureaucratic steps. Ambiguity and lack of transparency can allow governments to withhold registration indefinitely or deny it without explanation.
Moreover, local groups may run higher risks for losing their registration when they receive support from INGOs. In some cases, INGOs themselves may not be able to legally register, and without a legal presence, are more vulnerable to arbitrary removal.
As outlined in a recent research report from the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, more and more governments are increasing measures to limit or block foreign funds and operations for civil society.
This includes laws and regulations that restrict or impede access to external funding for domestic non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and steps to block international election monitoring. For example, Russia passed a law in May 2015 against so called “undesirable” organizations (a designation that it subsequently gave to NDI in March 2016).
This law enables the Prosecutor General’s office to fine or jail Russian activists and civil society groups for maintaining any ties with INGOs deemed to be undermining “state security,” “national defense,” or “constitutional order”. Such limitations placed on INGO operations can seriously curtail their ability to adequately support local groups.
In Bangladesh, sensing consequence of the next parliamentary election, the ruling Awami League is hatching a conspiracy to keep BNP away from the polls. To meet its desire, the government is harassing BNP men – implicating them with politically motivated cases – in bid to brand them as anti-liberation forces. Not only that, BNP and its front organizations are barred by the law enforcing agencies from organizing any peaceful political programmes in the name security concerned.
And, if such a situation continues till the upcoming national polls, the entire nation is feared to be plunged into a downward spiral towards a prolonged and unprecedented scale of violence, non-state actors including militant groups might take advantage of the instability. Besides, it is also clearly evident from the history that without inclusive democracy, authoritarianism is likely to grow strongly inevitably leading to extremism, violence and prolonged conflict in Bangladesh.
“With elections due in December, it is now more important than ever that civil society be given the space it needs to contribute to Bangladesh’s future. The EU must stand with those whose voices are consistently being silenced by a government that has been unwilling to address human rights abuses,” said Odhikar Secretary Adilur Rahman Khan.
Sheikh Hasina to remain life-long Prime Minister
And surprisingly and coincidently, BAL joint general secretary Mahbubul Alam Hanif said, “Bangladesh Awami League (AL) president and prime minister Sheikh Hasina would remain in power in the country as long as she is alive and physically fit.’’
Addressing a programme in the capital on April 25, party’s joint Hanif also said no evil forces in the country can overthrow the Hasina-led government. Dhaka city’s south unit of AL’s student wing Bangladesh Chhatra League aka BCL organised the programme to select its leadership.
“As long as jananetri [people’s leader] Sheikh Hasina is alive, as long as jananetri Sheikh Hasina has the physical ability to work, Bangladesh Awami League will stay in power under the leadership of jananetri Sheikh Hasina and she will remain the prime minister of Bengal,” announced Hanif.
He went on to say, “No evil force of Bangladesh has the strength to grab power by overthrowing the Hasina-led government.” He claimed that the AL is staying in power under the leadership of Hasina “with the mandate of the people” and the government is under no pressure. “It’s not 2018, not even 2024, they [opposition BNP] have to think whether they will be able to come to power after 2029,” categorically said Hanif.
ICG study fears Space for Militancy
A recent study of International Crisis Group (ICG) has observed that political polarization has reached “historic highs” in Bangladesh and constant antagonism between rival parties has helped enable a resurgent militant threat with a general election looming.
The country’s poisonous politics has allowed a resurgence of religious extremism led by two groups, Jamaat-ul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) and Ansar al-Islam, also known as Ansarullah Bangla Team, according to the study by Brussels-based ICG.
“While there is no direct line between toxic politics and the rise of jihadist violence, a bitterly divided polity, between those espousing secularism and those emphasizing Bangladesh’s Muslim identity, and a brutal and highly partisan policing and justice system, nonetheless has opened space for jihadist groups,” said ICG, a group that researches conflicts and security-related issues around the globe.
“Without a change of course – and particularly if the December elections trigger a crisis similar to that around previous polls – the country could face another jihadist resurgence,” ICG said.
Violence feared in run up to nat’l polls
According to a report published by a London-based organisation, Saferworld, a large section of people in Bangladesh have a fear that political violence will get worse than the previous instances in the lead up to the next general election. The report titled ‘Working with businesses for peace in Bangladesh’ stated that most of the people believe that business actors have an important role to play in promoting peace through different activities. The Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC) commissioned the report as part of Saferworld’s ‘business for peace’ project, aiming to identify the factors contributing to violent conflict and political violence, said Bibhash Chakraborty, the programme manager of the Bangladesh chapter of the organisation. The study was done in three districts – Sylhet, Sunamganj and Rajshahi – and the report was made public at the end of March, 2018.
- Courtesy: Weekly Holiday/ May 11, 2018
