Situation of Concern Bangladesh

The U.N. Human Rights Council convened in Geneva for its session June 13. Ahead of this meeting, international groups working on press freedom and freedom of expression made a joint submission to the council calling for urgent and concrete steps to reverse the deteriorating climate for free expression in Bangladesh. Below is the full text of that statement.

Written Statement – Item Four 
Joint written statement submitted by PEN International, Canadian Journalists for Free Expression, Center for Inquiry, Committee to Protect Journalists, Dansk PEN, English PEN, European Humanist Federation, Finnish PEN, Freemuse, Icelandic PEN, Index on Censorship, International Humanist and Ethical Union, International Publishers Association, Norsk PEN, PEN America, PEN Bangladesh, PEN Melbourne, Reporters without Borders, PEN Sweden

Bangladesh: Urgent, concrete steps required to protect freedom of expression 
Recent years have seen a serious decline in respect for freedom of expression and the associated rights of freedom of association, assembly and of religion or belief in Bangladesh, a member of the United Nations Human Rights Council. Deeply entrenched and widening political differences between the ruling Awami League, the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party and their allies are contributing to a government crackdown on freedom of expression, with Bangladesh’s vibrant civil society also under attack. Legislative changes, poor law enforcement, lack of governmental support for the principle of freedom of expression, attempts to undermine independent media1 and a justice system ill-equipped to provide recourse to victims of rights violations have all contributed to the silencing of dissenting voices, through murder, imprisonment, self-censorship or exile.
Urgent and concrete steps are needed to reverse this trend and to ensure a climate where political, religious and other views may be debated and discussed in safety and where civil society is respected and enabled to fulfil its vital function of holding government to account.

Attacks on bloggers, publishers, academics, civil society activists and religious figures 
Since blogger-led protests demanding capital punishment for war crimes committed during Bangladesh's liberation war and calling for a ban on religious politics broke out in 2013, radical Islamist groups have claimed the killings of seven bloggers, free thinkers and a publisher, six since February 2015. The first victim was blogger Ahmed Rajib Haidar, who had been at the forefront of the protests. Most recently, law student Nazimuddin Samad, who wrote on issues of religious fundamentalism, war crimes, minority issues, corruption and injustice against women, was killed on 6 April 2016. After several months in hiding in 2015, he returned to his activism, stating, ‘It's better to die rather than living by keeping my head down.’

The attacks have widened to include civil society actors, academics and religious figures with diverse views. University professor Rezaul Karim Siddique was killed on 23 April 2016. Two days later, Xulhaz Mannan, editor of Bangladesh’s first and only LGBTI magazine, and his friend Tanay Mojumdar were hacked to death at Mannan’s home by unknown assailants. Religious minority figures, including a Christian pastor, a Buddhist monk and a Sufi Muslim leader have been attacked or killed since October 2015.

Government reaction 
While condemning these attacks, the Bangladesh authorities have repeatedly made statements and taken actions implying that the responsibility for avoiding such attacks lies with the victims.
A month after Ahmed Rajib Haider’s murder in February 2013 - rather than unequivocally supporting the right to freedom of expression and focusing on bringing the perpetrators to justice - a government committee was formed to track bloggers and social media users who made allegedly derogatory remarks about Islam and the Prophet Muhammad. The committee sought information from various platforms about certain users, and requested that several blogs be taken down. The committee publicised an email address where complaints about alleged ‘blasphemous’ content could be submitted, and was later reported to have participated in a discussion with Islamic clerics, who submitted the names of 84 bloggers, requesting that their writings be investigated. This list was made public, and reportedly became a ‘hit-list’ for those carrying out the attacks. Several of those on the list have been killed and others are in hiding, while many others have left Bangladesh. The net of those targeted for attack has since widened considerably.

The ambiguous response from the Bangladeshi authorities has continued with each attack. In April 2016, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina condemned violence in the name of religion, but said that it was not acceptable to write things which hurt the religious sentiments of others, stating, ‘[e]veryone should maintain decency otherwise in case of any uncivilized attitude, the government wouldn't take the responsibility’.

A legal framework that fails to protect freedom of expression and associated freedoms 
Retrograde amendments to laws affecting freedom of expression have been passed in recent years, with other draft laws still under consideration. Bangladeshi civil society has expressed serious concern at the trajectory of legal reform, highlighting how fundamental freedoms are at risk.
Problematic laws and regulations include:
• The colonial-era Penal Code, which includes the prohibition of insult to the religious feelings of any class of citizens7 and which criminalises defamation.
Daily Star editor Mahfuz Anam is facing scores of lawsuits for alleged criminal defamation and sedition after he had admitted on a TV chat show in February 2016 that he had erred in running corruption stories between 2007 and 2008 based on uncorroborated information provided by military intelligence.
• Overbroad restrictions in the Information and Communication Technology (ICT) Act9 which criminalise the online publication of material which is false, obscene, likely to harm law and order, prejudices the image of the State or hurts religious belief, attracting a maximum 14-year prison term, more severe than the penalty for offline publication. Content can be removed without a court order.10
Mohan Kumar Mondal, the director of a local environmental NGO LEDARS was detained for several weeks in September 2015 following a complaint about his Facebook page after a crowd collapse on 24 September during the Hajj in Saudi Arabia in which over 2,000 people died. He remains on trial for ‘hurting the religious beliefs of Muslims’.
In November 2015, citing national security, the government blocked social media platforms for almost a month ahead of the final appeal and subsequent execution of opposition leaders convicted of war crimes in the 1971 war of independence.
• The National Broadcasting Policy,12 which unduly restricts the dissemination of news, photos, or videos.

Problematic draft laws and regulations under consideration include:
• The draft Digital Security Act, which includes many offences categorised as terrorism attracting unduly harsh sentences, a lack of procedural safeguards for human rights protection and the delegation of excessive powers to law enforcement agencies without judicial oversight.
• The draft Foreign Donations (Voluntary Activities) Regulation Act 2014, which would require all NGOs receiving foreign funding to register with the Non-Governmental Organisation Affairs Bureau and to obtain its prior approval for each project undertaken with these resources.
• The Online Mass-Media Policy16 which replicates much of the Broadcasting Policy.

A justice system which is failing to protect fundamental freedoms
Successive governments have been accused of conducting extra-judicial executions, enforced disappearances and torture against opponents and critics with impunity. Police recruitment is partisan and inadequate; the prosecutorial system is underdeveloped; there is a lack of independence of the lower levels of the judiciary from the executive and the Supreme Court has been unwilling or unable to prevent executive interference and politicisation of justice. The failure of the state to uphold fundamental rights and freedoms allows extremist groups to spread fear and intolerance and to drive those with opposing views into self-censorship and/or exile through violent acts committed with virtual impunity.

Conclusion and Recommendations 
The worsening spiral of violence must be addressed urgently. The signatories to this statement urge the Council to press the government of Bangladesh – which, as a member of the Council, has pledged to ‘uphold the highest human rights standards’ - to:
• Thoroughly investigate the murders of bloggers, publishers, academics, civil society activists and religious minority figures, ensuring sufficient resources are allocated, make public the findings of the investigations and bring to justice those found responsible;
• End the culture of impunity for human rights abuses, whether committed by state or non-state actors;
• Ensure police provide adequate protection for all dissenting and minority voices, however controversial, particularly those who have been publicly targeted for attack; and ensure that all those requiring protection are able to access information about available measures and to request them with ease;
• Unequivocally uphold the right of all to freely express views, in accordance with the Constitution, including of those who disagree with or question the government;
• Release immediately and unconditionally anyone held solely for peacefully exercising their right to freedom of expression, including anyone imprisoned for expressing views about religion;
 • Abolish all forms of censorship, repeal unduly restrictive laws, and allow the free dissemination of information in line with international human rights standards;
• Facilitate dialogue and debate about religious tolerance in line with the Rabat Plan of Action;
• Abide by Bangladesh’s obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) to protect the rights to freedom of expression, association, and assembly.

Deep political tensions underline Bangladesh violence

 

 

 

Nyshka Chandran  | CNBC

Recent episodes of religious violence in Bangladesh underscore the challenge the country faces in combating extremism. But the incidents also represent a deepening political crisis in the world's eighth-most populous nation.

A series of grisly attacks on writers, activists, religious minorities as well as the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) community has rocked the Muslim-majority nation since September last year.

This past week saw a Christian grocer, the wife of a police official who had been investigating the murders, and a Hindu priest killed in separate episodes that involved knives, guns and machetes. A Buddhist monk and two homosexual men were among the victims in May while the previous month's targets included a liberal blogger and a professor of English at a local university. More than 30 people had been killed in total since February 2015, Reuters reported on Thursday.

The Islamic State (IS) and Al Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS) have claimed credit for some killings, but Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's ruling party—the Awami League—has denied the existence of these transnational groups. Instead, it blames the opposition, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), and local terror groups such as the Ansarullah Bangla Team (ABT) and Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB).

The Awami League is a secular political party, widely seen as pro-business and maintains close ties with neighboring India. On the other hand, the BNP is deeply rooted in Islam and counts Islamist party Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami (BJI) as an ally. BJI leader Mohammad Qamaruzzaman was hanged last April for crimes against humanity during the country's 1971 independence war against Pakistan.
Officials have yet to confirm who is behind the attacks. On Wednesday, the New York Times reported that authorities identified the leadership of the two groups they believed to be responsible.

The country's complicated terror landscape is a challenge. Established home-grown networks have likely decentralized into smaller units, making it harder for authorities to detect these organizations, explained Romita Das, South Asia analyst at political consultancy Control Risks.

Long-standing tensions between secularists and conservative Muslims also underline the savage killings.
The country's constitution was founded on secularism but Islam is the official state religion. That contrast provoked a group of intellectuals, known as the Committee against Autocracy and Communalism, to launch a petition in 1988 demanding the removal of the constitutional clause that recognized Islam as the official religion. The High Court rejected their request in March this year without a hearing.

Government under fire

Now, analysts are increasingly singling out the government's mismanagement as a key catalyst of the ongoing terror.

The ruling party's marginalization of political opposition parties in recent years likely created a vacuum of leadership for radical groups to fill, according to Das.

"Sheikh Hasina has vigorously denied the presence of the Islamic State in the country, presumably because she wants to maintain foreign investment—especially in the country's garment-export industry, which after China is the world's largest, accounting for 80 percent of the country's export revenue," intelligence firm Stratfor said in a report this week.

By blaming the BNP and BJI for the murders, the 68-year old leader is giving herself a pretext to further marginalize both groups in the name of enhancing security, Stratfor continued.

Under the Awami League's reign, economic development has improved, with declines in inflation, debt and poverty levels but international human rights groups have long criticized the party for its crackdown on media and overall freedom of expression.

"It is terrible that when bloggers were murdered, the government could only preach self-censorship," said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch, in a report earlier this year, labeling the current administration an authoritarian regime.

This year, Mahfuz Anam, editor of Bangladesh' largest-selling English language newspaper, was accused of sedition and defamation, while BNP chairwoman Begum Khaleda Zia was also charged with sedition for questioning death toll figures from the 1971 independence war.

Both Stratfor and Control Risks pointed to the fact that opposition groups are so heavily marginalized that they are unable to protest against the government's heavy-handed rule via street demonstrations or strikes.

"Hasina has made the political calculation that if she can sustain the country's 6 percent rate of growth while creating jobs, reducing poverty and increasing health care access, then the electorate will overlook single-party rule and reward the Awami League during the 2018 elections," Stratfor said.

Broader implications

Moody's Investors Service told CNBC that the violent episodes remain isolated for now but if they become endemic, that could present risks to the country's current 'BA3' credit rating.

"We have already assigned a relatively elevated degree of political risk to the country because domestic politics are so highly polarized," said Anushka Shah, sovereign risk analyst at the agency.

Terror-linked violence aside, other downwards risks to the rating include shocks to Bangladesh's external position, including sharp declines in remittances or exports, and contingent liabilities in the banking system, Shah said.

"A key risk related to the violence in Bangladesh from a rating's perspective is that at some stage safety issues could deter foreigners from doing business there. Especially if investors and buyers in the ready-made garments sector would move their business to other countries in the region, this could inflict long-term harm to the economy. So far, we have not seen this risk crystallize," said Thomas Rookmaaker, director of sovereigns and supranationals at Fitch Ratings.

So far, the numerous multinational corporations (MNCs) in the South Asian country, which include Unilever, Chevron, HSBC and British American Tobacco, haven't been affected. There have been no reports of MNCs closing up shop so far and risks to foreigners remain incidental, Das said.

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Nyshka Chandran - Associate Producer, CNBC Asia-Pacific

সজীব ওয়াজেদ, মেন্দি সাফাদি এবং বিবিসি বাংলা

 

 

 

 

সাবির মুস্তাফা / বিবিসি বাংলা

গত কয়েক সপ্তাহ ধরে ঢাকা এবং লন্ডনে বাংলাদেশের ক্ষমতাসীন দল আওয়ামী লীগের নেতা-কর্মীরা বিবিসি বাংলার সমালোচনায় মুখর হয়েছেন। মেন্দি সাফাদি নামে ইসরায়েলের একজন নাগরিকের সাথে একটি সাক্ষাৎকার বিবিসি বাংলা অনলাইনে প্রকাশ করার কারণেই এই সমালোচনা এবং প্রতিবাদ ।

সাক্ষাৎকারে মি.সাফাদি এমন এক দাবী করেছেন যেটাকে আওয়ামী লীগের সমর্থকরা ‘মিথ্যা’ এবং ‘কল্পনাপ্রসূত’ বলে মনে করছেন।

সাক্ষাৎকারে ইসরায়েলি সরকারের প্রাক্তন উপদেষ্টা এবং ইন্টারন্যাশনাল সেন্টার ফর ডিপ্লোম্যাসি এন্ড পাবলিক রিলেশনস্‌-এর কর্ণধার মেন্দি সাফাদি বলেন, তিনি চার-পাঁচ মাস আগে বাংলাদেশের একজন ‘গুরুত্বপূর্ণ কর্মকর্তার’ সাথে ওয়াশিংটনে বৈঠক করেছেন।

ঢাকার সরকারী মহলে চাঞ্চল্য সৃষ্টি করার জন্য এই তথ্যই যথেষ্ট ছিল। কিন্তু মি. সাফাদি যখন দাবী করেন সেই ‘গুরুত্বপূর্ণ কর্মকর্তা’ ছিলেন প্রধানমন্ত্রী শেখ হাসিনার পুত্র এবং বাংলাদেশের সম্ভাব্য ভবিষ্যৎ নেতা সজীব ওয়াজেদ, তখন সেই সাক্ষাৎকারটির গুরুত্বে নতুন মাত্রা যোগ হয়।

মি. ওয়াজেদ এবং মি. সাফাদির মধ্যে ‘বৈঠকের’ খবর দুটো কারণে গুরুত্ব সহকারে দেখা যায়।

প্রথমত, ইসরায়েলের সাথে বাংলাদেশের কোন কূটনৈতিক সম্পর্ক নেই এবং বাংলাদেশী পাসপোর্টধারীদের ইসরায়েল যাওয়া নিষেধ।

দ্বিতীয়ত, সম্প্রতি ভারতে এক সম্মেলনে বাংলাদেশের সব চেয়ে বড় বিরোধী দল বিএনপি-র একজন সিনিয়র নেতা, আসলাম চৌধুরীর দেখা হয় মি. সাফাদির সাথে। সেই ছবি ঢাকার স্থানীয় পত্রিকায় প্রকাশিত হবার পর মি. চৌধুরীকে গ্রেফতার করে তাঁর বিরুদ্ধে রাষ্ট্রদোহ মামলা দায়ের করা হয়।

মি. সাফাদিকে ইসরায়েলি গোয়েন্দা সংস্থা মোসাদ-এর একজন ‘গুপ্তচর’ হিসেবে আখ্যায়িত করে মি. চৌধুরীর বিরুদ্ধে মোসাদ-এর সহায়তায় বাংলাদেশ সরকার উৎখাতে ষড়যন্ত্র করার অভিযোগ আনা হয়। কাজেই, যদি একথা প্রমাণিত হয় যে প্রধানমন্ত্রীর ছেলে – যিনি তাঁর তথ্য প্রযুক্তি বিষয়ক উপদেষ্টাও – সেই মি. সাফাদির সাথে দেখা করেছেন, তাহলে সরকারের ‘মোসাদ ষড়যন্ত্র’ গল্প দুর্বল হয়ে পড়বে।

বিবিসি বাংলা প্রথমবার মি. সাফাদির সাক্ষাৎকার নেয় মে মাসের ১৬ তারিখে, যখন আসলাম চৌধুরীকে গ্রেফতার করা হয়।মি. চৌধুরীর বিরুদ্ধে সরকারী অভিযোগের পাশাপাশি গল্পের ‘অন্য দিক’ তুলে ধরার জন্যই মি. সাফাদির সাক্ষাৎকার নেয়া হয়।

আসলাম চৌধুরীকে গ্রেফতারের কারণে মেন্দি সাফাদিকে ঘিরে ইতোমধ্যেই বাংলাদেশে জনমনে প্রবল আগ্রহ ছিল, যার ফলে এই ইসরায়েলি নাগরিক রাজনৈতিক আলোচনার কেন্দ্রবিন্দুতে পরিণত হয়েছিলেন।

সেই প্রেক্ষাপটে যখন মে মাসের ২৭ তারিখে সোশাল মিডিয়াতে ছড়িয়ে পড়া একটি ভিডিওতে দেখা যায় মি. সাফাদি নিউ ইয়র্কের একটি টেলিভিশন (টাইম টিভি) সাক্ষাৎকারে বলছেন তাঁর সাথে সজীব ওয়াজেদের দেখা হয়েছে, তখন সাংবাদিকদের মনে কৌতূহল জাগাটাই স্বাভাবিক ছিল।

এই ভিডিও ফেসবুকে নজরে আসার পর বিবিসি বাংলার সাংবাদিকরা বিষয়টি খতিয়ে দেখার প্রয়োজন বোধ করেন । বিবিসি বাংলার সাংবাদিকদের কাছে মি. সাফাদির কথাকে গুরুত্বপূর্ণ বলে মনে হয়েছিল – যদি তার কথার সত্যতা যাচাই করা যায়।

এই যাচাই প্রক্রিয়ার প্রথম পদক্ষেপ ছিল সরাসরি মেন্দি সাফাদির সাক্ষাৎকার নেয়া, তার বক্তব্য নিশ্চিত করা এবং বাড়তি কিছু প্রশ্ন করা। দ্বিতীয় পদক্ষেপ হবার কথা ছিল সজীব ওয়াজেদের সাথে যোগাযোগ করে মি. সাফাদির দাবী সম্পর্কে তাঁর বক্তব্য নেয়া।

যদি মি. ওয়াজেদ মেন্দি সাফাদির সাথে সাক্ষাতের কথা অস্বীকার করেন, তাহলে পুনরায় মি. সাফাদির কাছে ফিরে যেতে হতো, অথবা দ্বিতীয় কোন সূত্র দিয়ে দু’জনের সাক্ষাতের তথ্য যাচাই বা নাকচ করার প্রয়োজন হতো।

কিন্তু সেসব হয়ে উঠে নাই – শুধু মাত্র মি. সাফাদির সাথে সাক্ষাৎকারটি শুক্রবার (মে ২৭) করা হয়। বিবিসির সাথে সাক্ষাৎকারে তিনি নতুন কোন তথ্য প্রকাশ করেন নি। তবে সাক্ষাৎকার শুরুর আগে তিনি বলেছিলেন, ওয়াশিংটনে যে বন্ধুর আমন্ত্রণে তিনি মি. ওয়াজেদের সাথে দেখা করেছিলেন, তার পরিচয় তিনি প্রকাশ করতে পারবেন না।

মি. সাফাদির সাথে যোগাযোগের আগেই মি.ওয়াজেদের সাথে যোগাযোগের প্রথম চেষ্টা করা হয়। তাঁর মোবাইলে মেসেজ রাখা হয়। এর পর মি. সাফাদির সাক্ষাৎকার নেয়া হয়, এবং দ্বিতীয়বার মি. ওয়াজেদের মোবাইলে মেসেজ রাখা হয়।

মি. ওয়াজেদ যেহেতু ফেসবুকে বেশ সক্রিয়, তাই তাঁর ইন বক্সে মেসেজ করা হয়, বিষয়টি ব্যাখ্যা করে বিবিসি বাংলার টেলিফোন নাম্বার দেয়া হয়। কিন্তু সজীব ওয়াজেদ আমাদের অনুরোধে সাড়া দেননি।

তিন ঘণ্টা অপেক্ষা করার পর মি. সাফাদির সাক্ষাৎকারের ভিত্তিতে তৈরি রিপোর্ট লন্ডন সময় বিকেল চারটার পর পরই অনলাইনে প্রকাশ করার সিদ্ধান্ত নেয়া হয়। বিকেল সাড়ে পাঁচটায়, অর্থাৎ বাংলাদেশ সময় রাত সাড়ে দশটার রেডিও অনুষ্ঠানে সেই সাক্ষাৎকারের মূল কথা গুলো প্রচার করা হয়।

দুই ক্ষেত্রেই পরিষ্কার করে বলা হয়েছে, যে অনেক চেষ্টা সত্ত্বেও মি. ওয়াজেদের বক্তব্য পাওয়া যায় নি।

সজীব ওয়াজেদের বক্তব্য ছাড়া রিপোর্ট প্রকাশ করার পেছনে দুটি কারণ ছিল : প্রথমত, মি. সাফাদির দাবীর গুরুত্ব, এবং এই কাহিনী নিয়ে জনমনে আগ্রহ। তাছাড়া, মি. ওয়াজেদকে যোগাযোগ করার চেষ্টার ক্ষেত্রে কোন ত্রুটি ছিল না।

মে মাসের ২৯ তারিখ রোববার সজীব ওয়াজেদ তাঁর ফেসবুক পাতায় একটি স্টেটাস দেন, যেখানে তিনি মি. সাফাদির সাথে বৈঠকের কথা অস্বীকার করেন।

তিনি ঐ খবরকে বিএনপির নাটক বলে বর্ণনা করেন, এবং সাফাদির দাবীর ‘সত্যতা যাচাই না করে’ বিবিসি বাংলায় খবর প্রকাশ করাকে তিনি ‘লজ্জাজনক’ বলে অভিহিত করেন।

একই দিন, আওয়ামী লীগের কেন্দ্রীয় কার্যালয় থেকে একটি প্রতিবাদ লিপি আমাকে পাঠানো হয়, এবং সেটা বিবিসি বাংলার ওয়েব সাইটে গুরুত্বের সাথে প্রকাশ করার অনুরোধ করা হয়। ঘটনাচক্রে আমি তার আগের দিন ঢাকায় পৌঁছেছিলাম।

মি. ওয়াজেদের ফেসবুক স্টেটাস এবং আওয়ামী লীগের প্রতিবাদ লিপি দুটিই গুরুত্বের সাথে বিবিসি বাংলার অনলাইন এবং রেডিওতে প্রচার করা হয়।

তবে আওয়ামী লীগের প্রতিবাদ লিপির একটি বিভ্রান্তিমূলক তথ্য খণ্ডন করা খুবই জরুরী ছিল। সেখানে নিউ ইয়র্কের টাইম টিভি-র প্রসঙ্গ এবং বিএনপি চেয়ারপার্সন খালেদা জিয়ার প্রাক্তন উপদেষ্টা জাহিদ সরদার সাদ্দির নাম উল্লেখ করা হয়।

আমার উত্তরে পরিষ্কার করে দেই যে, বিবিসির প্রতিবেদনের সাথে টাইম টিভি বা সরদার সাদ্দির কোন সম্পর্ক নেই।

একই সপ্তাহে ঢাকায় আওয়ামী লীগের কেন্দ্রীয় যুগ্ম সাধারণ সম্পাদক মাহবুবুল আলম হানিফের সাথে এক বৈঠকের সময় আমি বিষয়টি আবারো পরিষ্কার করি – টাইম টিভির ভিডিও-র সাথে বিবিসি বাংলার রিপোর্টের কোন সম্পর্ক নেই।

কিন্তু তারপরও দুই-একটি মহল টাইম টিভির উপস্থাপক জেকব মিলটন আর মি. সাদ্দির নামের সাথে বিবিসি বাংলার নাম যুক্ত করে এক ধরনের প্রচারণা চালিয়ে যাচ্ছেন, যেটা যে শুধু অসত্য তাই নয়, হাস্যকরও বটে!

তবে, একটি জিনিস আমার কাছে পরিষ্কার হয় যে আমরা খবরটা যথেষ্ট যত্নের সাথে তৈরি করি নাই।

মেন্দি সাফাদির সাক্ষাৎকার নেয়ার সিদ্ধান্ত সঠিক ছিল, তা নিয়ে কোন সন্দেহ নেই। খবর হিসেবে মি. সাফাদির দাবীর যথেষ্ট গুরুত্ব ছিল, সেটাও অনস্বীকার্য।

কিন্তু, মি. সাফাদির দাবীর অপর পক্ষ, সজীব ওয়াজেদের বক্তব্য ছাড়া – অথবা দ্বিতীয় কোন সূত্র দিয়ে খবরটি যাচাই না করার ফলে খবরটি দুর্বল হয়ে পড়ে এবং অসম্পূর্ণ রয়ে যায়।

অন্য এক ব্যক্তি সম্পর্কে একজনের দাবী অপর পক্ষের বক্তব্য ছাড়া প্রচার করার মানে রিপোর্টে প্রয়োজনীয় ভারসাম্য ছিল না।

বিবিসি বাংলার ৭৫ বছর ইতিহাসে এখানে কর্মরত সাংবাদিকরা সব সময় নিরপেক্ষতা এবং ভারসাম্যের দিকে মনোযোগ দিয়েই কাজ করেছেন। বিশেষ করে, দু’পক্ষের বক্তব্য ছাড়া শুধু এক পক্ষের দাবীর ওপর নির্ভর করে খবর করা থেকে বিরত থেকেছেন। এক্ষেত্রে তার ব্যতিক্রম হয়েছে।

ঘটনার সার্বিক পর্যালোচনা করে বলা যায় যে, সজীব ওয়াজেদের বক্তব্য ছাড়া খবর প্রকাশ এবং প্রচার বিবিসির নিজস্ব সম্পাদকীয় নীতিমালার পরিপন্থী ছিল, যেটা দু:খজনক।

এ বিষয়ে বেশ কয়েকজন আওয়ামী লীগ সমর্থক চিঠি এবং ইমেইলে প্রতিবাদ করেছেন, যাদের সবাইকে বিবিসির নিয়মে বেধে দেয়া নির্দিষ্ট সময়ের মধ্যে জবাব দেয়া হয়েছে যেখানে খবরের এই দুর্বলতা বা অসম্পূর্ণতার জন্য দু:খ প্রকাশ করা হয়।

Pretexts to Arrest: A Response to Sajeeb Wazed’s Defence of the Bangladesh Government

By David Bergman / The Wire

Sajeeb Wazed, the US-based son of Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has taken time off from his frequent Facebook musings about the country’s politics to pen an article in the Washington Times defending the arrest in Bangladesh of opposition journalist Shafiq Rehman for his involvement in an alleged plot to kill him in the US.

The article also seeks to connect this ‘plot’ directly to violent protests by the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) in early 2015 and to defend the government’s arrest of thousands of opposition party activists and leaders.

In setting out his stall in support of the Bangladeshi government’s action, Wazed, however, omits significant facts and makes a number of inaccurate statements.

A ‘plot to kill’?

Rehman was arrested five weeks ago on charges of being involved in a plot to kill Wazed in the US. Another opposition journalist, already in detention, was also ‘shown arrested’ for this offence. The high court on Tuesday refused to give them bail.

The Washington Times article connects the arrest of the journalist in Bangladesh to a criminal prosecution in the US last year that resulted in a US-Bangladesh citizen, Rizvi Ahmed, pleading guilty of bribing an FBI agent to obtain confidential information about Wazed.

Wazed states that Ahmed sought the information from the FBI agent so that he could ‘scare,’ ‘kidnap’ and ‘hurt’ him, and that this information was given or sold to Rehman who also sought to do the same.

However, Wazed’s reporting of this US federal prosecution is inaccurate and highly partial.

First, he does not mention in his article that the key documents sought and obtained by Ahmed concerned alleged financial irregularities by the prime minister’s son himself.

According to the US Department of Justice’s sentencing report, in December 2011 in exchange for $1000 – the only money that was given to the corrupt FBI agent ­– Ahmed received a number of confidential documents about Wazed including “an internal memorandum (the ‘FBI Memo’) that referred to Individual 1 and a sum of $300 million, and a confidential report, known as a Suspicious Activity Report (the ‘SAR’) that also referred to Individual 1.”

Individual 1 refers to Wazed. Banks or financial institutions are required to file a SAR report when they identify any suspicious financial transactions.

According to the Department of Justice submission, on receiving this document, Ahmed was particularly interested in getting more information about the ‘$300 million’.

In a text, quoted in the US court submission, Ahmed writes to the accomplice of the FBI agent, “Just give me some idea what exactly you have on them … The last documents you gave me about $300 millions. How far that investigation went n what they found. Give me some idea and I will get u that contract!!!” (sic). (The ‘contract’ relates to ongoing discussions about Ahmed paying further money to the FBI agent and his friend for further information.)

Secondly, Wazed also omits in his article any mention of the US federal judge’s ruling, which dismissed the department of justice’s contention, raised during the sentencing hearing, that another objective Rizve had was to ‘scare,’ ‘kidnap’ and ‘hurt’ him.

“The [US] government’s contention that [Rizve] Ahmed in fact sought to kidnap and physically harm an individual is a stretch,” Judge Vincent L. Briccetti had said.

“I just don’t feel there’s enough evidence that’s been presented to me for me to make that finding,” he had added.

“This case,” the US judge had said, “is all about furthering Ahmed’s political aims, getting confidential information to expose what Ahmed apparently thought was corrupt behavior by the ruling party and otherwise embarrass [Sajeeb Wazed].”

A case against Rehman?

Ignoring all of this, Wazed seeks in his article to link Rehman to the ‘plot’ to kill him by pointing out that a copy of the same FBI documents that Ahmed had corruptly purchased were found in his house. The documents, he says, “chillingly included my home and office addresses, my day-to-day movements and even the license plate number of my car.”

Wazed’s article though does not state that the ‘documents’ found in Rehman’s house comprise the FBI memo relating to him that mention ‘$300 million’ and the SAR – which any journalist, particularly one linked to the political opposition, would love to get their hands on.

The most reasonable and obvious explanation as to why Rehman had a copy of these documents is that he hoped to use the financial information they contained to expose Wazed’s allegedly corrupt behavior – not to use it to track down and kill him.

Indeed, if it were true that Rehman – or Ahmed himself –­ was involved in a plot to kill Wazed, what evidence is there that after receiving this information, either of them took any action of any kind to further that intention?

There is none.

The BNP and the 2014 elections

In his article, Wazed then seeks to link the alleged ‘plot’ to kill him with violent protests orchestrated by the BNP, one year after the controversial January 2014 elections. In doing so, he makes an inaccurate claim about why the BNP chose not to take part in these elections.

He says the party “chose to quit rather than contest” the elections as it realised it would have been “soundly defeated”. However, such a contention is not supported by the international-standard polls that were undertaken at the time, which in fact showed that the BNP had a good chance of winning any elections conducted freely and fairly.

In January 2013, a Democracy International (DI) poll found that 38% of voters would vote for the BNP against 32% for the Awami League; in July 2013, another DI poll found that BNP’s support had increased to 43% among voters, with the Awami League staying at 32%. Another poll conducted just after the elections found that preferences had changed and Awami League had a lead of 4% (within the margin of error).

The International Republican Institute published polls do not include data on voting preferences, but they do provide information on people’s views concerning whether the country was heading in the right or the wrong direction, often used as an indicator of voter preference.

These showed that in November 2013, a couple of months before the election, 62% thought that the country was going in the wrong direction and 33% in the right direction. At the time of the election, the polls showed a very similar result, 59% to 35%.

The only poll published before the elections that suggested that the Awami League was doing well – with a 6% lead – was one commissioned by the party itself and undertaken by a polling agency owned by an Awami League member of parliament. Moreover, a different interpretation of the same data put the BNP ahead by 3%.

Significantly, Wazed also fails to mention the crucial reason why the opposition parties did not take part in the 2014 election – the Awami League government’s decision to remove provisions from the Constitution that required the establishment of a pre-election neutral caretaker government to ensure that the elections would be free and fair. Ironically, it was successful protests by the Awami League twenty years earlier when it was in opposition that had resulted in the caretaker government provision first being enacted.

BNP violence: “Without prejudice or favour?”

Wazed was correct to criticise the opposition party’s “violent” response to these controversial January 2014 ‘elections’ (which resulted in over half of the parliamentary seats remaining uncontested and the other half uncompetitive).

And he is right to claim that it was perfectly legitimate for the Bangladesh authorities to seek to arrest those responsible.

However, this was not done “without prejudice or favour,” as he claims.

The police filed hundreds of criminal cases, each one filed against dozens of named BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami activists and supporters chosen mainly because they were from the area where a violent incident took place – without any proper evidence of their involvement in the crime. Those named were then arrested and detained for months, with charges subsequently raised against them.

Moreover, many of the criminal cases also included a statement by the police that the violent offence was also committed by dozens or hundreds of ‘unnamed’ people. This allowed any BNP or Jamaat activist, otherwise not named in a case, to be subsequently detained and ‘shown arrested’ as one of these unnamed accused. As a result, Bangladesh’s law authorities have arrested thousands of opposition activists.

In addition to the arrests there were also many extra judicial killings by the police – in fact, a third of the total deaths during the 2015 violence involved opposition activists or pickets killed whilst in the custody of law enforcement bodies, during alleged ‘shoot-outs’, during protests or in incidents where it has been alleged law enforcement authorities were responsible.

At the end of his article, in criticising human rights organisations and the international media who condemn Bangladesh, Wazed asks rhetorically: “Should criminals not be arrested because they belong to rival political parties?”

Clearly, “criminals” should not escape prosecution simply because they belong to a particular political party.

However, what has been going on in Bangladesh is that hundreds of people are being arrested simply because they belong to rival political parties – even though there is no credible evidence that they have committed any offences.

And this is the real link that ties the 2015 violence and the alleged ‘plot to kill’ the prime minister’s son.

They both have provided pretexts to arrest opposition supporters and activists.

David Bergman is an investigative journalist based in Bangladesh. He also runs the Bangladesh Politico and Bangladesh War Crimes blogs, and tweets @davidbangladesh. 

জাতীয় বাজেট ২০১৬-১৭ : বিএনপির বিশ্লেষণ

• গত ২ জুন ২০১৬ অর্থমন্ত্রী জনাব আবুল মাল আব্দুল মুহিত ২০১৬ -২০১৭ অর্থ বছরের জন্য ৩ লক্ষ ৪০ হাজার ৬০৫ কোটি টাকা মোট ব্যয়ের বাজেট পেশ করেছেন। বাজেটের এই আকার বাংলাদেশের অতীত বাজেটগুলোর ধারাবাহিকতার সঙ্গে সঙ্গতিপূর্ণ। এই বাজেটের মোট ব্যয় জিডিপির ১৭ শতাংশের মত। এর আগের বাজেটগুলো জিডিপির ১৫ থেকে ১৬ শতাংশের মধ্যে ছিল। এইদিক থেকে বলা যায় বাজেটটি এক অর্থে গতানুগতিক। বাংলাদেশের প্রথম বাজেটের আকার ছিল ৭৮৬ কোটি টাকা। দূরবর্তী অতীতের বাজেটের আকারের সঙ্গে তুলনা করলে প্রস্তাবিত বাজেটটি উচ্চাকাঙ্ক্ষী। অর্থমন্ত্রী নিজেও বাজেট পরবর্তী সংবাদ সম্মেলনে স্বীকার করেছেন বাজেট ‘উচ্চাকাঙ্ক্ষী’। সময়ের পরিক্রমায় বাংলাদেশের অর্থনীতির আকার বড় হতে থাকার ফলে এই অঙ্কের বাজেট অস্বাভাবিক নয়। তবে প্রশ্ন উঠে বাজেট বাস্তবায়ন সক্ষমতা নিয়ে।

২০১৫ - ২০১৬ অর্থবছরের জন্য ২ লক্ষ ৯৫ হাজার ১০০ কোটি টাকার বাজেট প্রস্তাব করা হয়েছিল। কিন্তু কাঙ্ক্ষিত মাত্রায় রাজস্ব আহরণ সম্ভব না হওয়ায় ২০১৫ – ২০১৬ অর্থবছরের জন্য সংশোধিত বাজেটে এর পরিমান ২ লক্ষ ৬৪ হাজার ৫৬৫ কোটি টাকায় নামিয়ে আনা হয়। অর্থাৎ ৩০ হাজার ৫৩৫ কোটি টাকা কমানো হয়। চূড়ান্ত হিসাব হলে ২০১৫-১৬ অর্থবছরে বাজেট ২ লক্ষ ৫০ হাজার কোটি টাকায় নেমে আসলে অবাক হবার কিছু থাকবে না। প্রস্তাবিত বাজেট (২০১৬-১৭) ২০১৫-১৬ অর্থবছরের সংশোধিত বাজেটের তুলনায় ২৮.৭৪ শতাংশ বেশী, এবং ২০১৫-১৬ অর্থবছরের মূল বাজেটের তুলনায় ১৫.৪২ শতাংশ বেশী। বাজেটের আকার কতটা বাড়ানো যাবে সেটি প্রধানতঃ নির্ভর করে রাজস্ব সংগ্রহের ওপর। অর্থমন্ত্রী বলেছেন, জাতীয় রাজস্ব বোর্ডকে ২০১৬-১৭ অর্থবছরের প্রস্তাবিত বাজেটের জন্য আদায় করতে হবে ২ লক্ষ ৩ হাজার ১৫২ কোটি টাকা। ২০১৫-১৬ অর্থবছরের সংশোধিত লক্ষ্যমাত্রার তুলনায় এই হার হবে ৩৫.৪ শতাংশ বেশী। অর্থমন্ত্রী ২০১৫-১৬ অর্থবছরের বাজেট বক্তৃতার ৬৫ পৃষ্ঠায় ১৯১ অধ্যায়ে বলেছিলেন, এনবিআর কে আদায় করতে হবে ১ লক্ষ ৭৬ হাজার ৩৭০ কোটি টাকা। বর্তমান অর্থবছরের লক্ষ্যমাত্রার তুলনায় ২০১৬-১৭ এর লক্ষ্যমাত্রা হবে ১৫.১৮ শতাংশ বেশী। পর পর দুবার অর্থমন্ত্রী জাতীয় রাজস্ব বোর্ডের সক্ষমতার ওপর আস্থা রেখে রাজস্ব লক্ষ্যমাত্রা সফল হবে বলে আশা পোষণ করেছিলেন। কিন্তু বাস্তবতা হল তাকে আশাভঙ্গের কষ্ট পোহাতে হয়েছে। তাই আমাদের শঙ্কা, ২০১৬-১৭ অর্থবছরের জন্য রাজস্ব লক্ষ্যমাত্রা অর্জন সম্ভব হবে না বললেই চলে। স্বাভাবিক ভাবেই প্রশ্ন উঠতে পারে সেক্ষেত্রে অর্থমন্ত্রী কি করবেন। পূর্ববর্তী অর্থবছরগুলোর মতন তাঁকে রাজস্ব আদায় লক্ষ্যমাত্রায় নিম্নমুখী সংশোধন করতে হবে। নিম্নমুখী সংশোধনের মানে হল ব্যয় কাটছাঁট করা। কোথায় তিনি কাটছাঁট করবেন? শিক্ষা, স্বাস্থ্য ও সামাজিক সুরক্ষার মত কল্যাণমুখী খাত থেকে অথবা মানবকল্যান এর সঙ্গে সরাসরি সম্পর্কিত নয়, এমন কোন খাত থেকে। অর্থমন্ত্রী রাজস্ব সংগ্রহ লক্ষ্যমাত্রার ক্ষেত্রে উচ্চাভিলাষী। কিন্তু সেই অনুযায়ী সঠিক ব্যবস্থাপনা ও কৌশল নির্ধারণে তাঁকে যত্নশীল হতে দেখি না। বাংলাদেশে যথাযত নীতি ও কৌশল গ্রহন করলে অভ্যন্তরীণ সম্পদ সংগ্রহ বর্তমানের চাইতে দ্বিগুণ করা সম্ভব। বাংলাদেশের কর-জিডিপি অনুপাত দুর্ভাগ্যজনক ভাবে ১১ শতাংশের অঙ্কে স্থিত হয়ে আছে। এই অনুপাত বাড়াতে পারলে জনকল্যাণমুখী অনেক প্রকল্প ও কর্মসূচী বাস্তবায়ন সম্ভব। দুর্বলতা স্বীকার না করলে সমস্যা সমাধানের পথও খুঁজে পাওয়া যাবে না। অর্থমন্ত্রী যেভাবে ধমকের সুরে দুর্বলতা ঢাকতে চান তা কোনক্রমেই কাম্য নয়।

• ৩ লক্ষ ৪০ হাজার ৬০৫ কোটি টাকার বাজেটে অনুন্নয়ন বাজেট ২ লক্ষ ১৫ হাজার ৭৪৪ কোটি টাকা এবং উন্নয়ন বাজেট ১ লক্ষ ১০ হাজার ৭০০ কোটি টাকা। দীর্ঘকাল ধরে বাজেটের অনুন্নয়ন ব্যয়প্রাধান্য দেশের জন্য মঙ্গলজনক নয়। বিএনপি মনে করে, বাজেটে অনুন্নয়ন ব্যয়ের বৃত্ত সঙ্কুচিত করতে হবে। এটি করা সম্ভব হলে অধিক হারে জনকল্যাণও নিশ্চিত হবে। একটি জাতীয় দৈনিকের হিসাব অনুযায়ী, প্রস্তাবিত বাজেটের মোট ব্যয় অনুযায়ী প্রত্যেক নাগরিকের জন্য ব্যয় হবে ২১ হাজার ২৮৮ টাকা। মাথাপিছু হিসেবে উন্নয়নের জন্য ব্যয় হবে মাত্র ৬ হাজার ৯১৮ টাকা। অন্যদিকে মাথাপিছু অনুন্নয়ন ব্যয় ১৩ হাজার ৪৮৪ টাকা। প্রতিটি নাগরিক পর্যায়ে মাথাপিছু উন্নয়ন ও অনুন্নয়ন ব্যয়ের এই তুলনা নাগরিকদের জন্য হতাশা বয়ে আনে। এবার রাজস্ব আদায়ের লক্ষ্যমাত্রা হচ্ছে ২ লক্ষ ৪২ হাজার ৭৫২ কোটি টাকা। এর অর্থ দাড়ায় মাথাপিছু কর দিতে হবে ১৫ হাজার ১৭২ টাকা। বিদায়ী অর্থবছরে মাথাপিছু কর দিতে হয়েছে ১১ হাজার ২৭ টাকা। মাথাপিছু করের বোঝা বাড়ছে ৪ হাজার ৮৫ টাকা। প্রস্তাবিত বাজেটে যেভাবেই কর আরোপের চিত্র দেখানো হোক না কেন বাস্তবে মানুষকে অতিরিক্ত করের বোঝা বহন করতে হবে। এর বিনিময়ে জনগন কি পাবে সেটি স্পষ্ট করা হয়নি।

• বাজেটে অর্থ সংস্থানের উৎস হিসবে রাজস্ব থেকে আয় ধরা হয়েছে ২ লক্ষ ১০ হাজার ৪০২ কোটি টাকা। এর মধ্যে জাতীয় রাজস্ব বোর্ড নিয়ন্ত্রিত কর থেকে আসবে ২ লক্ষ ৩ হাজার ১৫২ কোটি টাকা। রাজস্ব বোর্ডবহির্ভূত কর থেকে ৭ হাজার ২৫০ কোটি, কর ছাড়া ৩২ হাজার ৩৫০ কোটি এবং বৈদেশিক অনুদান থেকে ৫ হাজার ৫১৬ কোটি টাকা আয়ের লক্ষ্য ধরা হয়েছে। এবারের বাজেটে সবচেয়ে বেশী কর আদায়ের লক্ষ্য ঠিক করা হয়েছে মূল্য সংযোজন কর বা ভ্যাট থেকে, ৭২ হাজার ৭৬৪ কোটি টাকা।  এই অঙ্ক বিদায়ী অর্থবছরের তুলনায় ৩৫ শতাংশ বেশী। আয়কর ও মুনাফার ওপর কর থেকে ৭১ হাজার ৯৪০ কোটি টাকা রাজস্ব আদায়ের লক্ষ্য ধরা হয়েছে প্রাস্তাবিত বাজেটে। আগের বাজেটে এর পরিমান ছিল ৬৪ হাজার ৯৭১ কোটি টাকা। এছাড়া প্রস্তাবিত বাজেটে আমদানি শুল্ক থেকে ২২ হাজার ৪৫০ কোটি টাকা, সম্পুরক শুল্ক থেকে ৩০ হাজার ৭৫ কোটি টাকা, আবগারি শুল্ক থেকে ৪ হাজার ৪৪৯ কোটি টাকা এবং অন্যান্য কর ও শুল্ক থেকে ১ হাজার ৪২৮ কোটি টাকা আদায়ের লক্ষ্য ঠিক করা হয়েছে।

প্রস্তাবিত বাজেটের কর কাঠামোর দিকে লক্ষ্য করলে স্পষ্টতই প্রতীয়মান হয় আমাদের কর কাঠামো পরোক্ষ কর নির্ভর অর্থাৎ ভ্যাট ও আমদানী শুল্ক নির্ভর। অর্থমন্ত্রী ‘প্রবৃদ্ধি, উন্নয়ন, ও সমতাভিত্তিক সমাজ’ প্রতিষ্ঠার পথে অগ্রযাত্রার অঙ্গীকার নিয়ে যে বাজেট ঘোষণা করেছেন সেটি পরোক্ষ কর নির্ভর হবার ফলে সমতা অর্জনে প্রণিধানযোগ্য কোন ভূমিকা রাখবে না। বাণিজ্য উদারীকরণ ও বিভিন্ন বিশ্ব সংস্থার সঙ্গে চুক্তির ফলে আমদানি শুল্কের উপর ক্রমান্বয়ে নির্ভরতা কমিয়ে আনতে হবে। ফলে ভ্যাট ও আয়করের উপর নির্ভরতা বাড়াতে হবে। এর মধ্যে ভ্যাট, গরিব-ধনীর মধ্যে কোন পার্থক্য করে না। কিন্তু আয়কর একটি প্রগতিশীল কর এবং ধনাঢ্য ব্যাক্তিদের উপর এর বোঝা আরোপিত হয় এবং সমাজে সমতা প্রতিষ্ঠায় সহায়ক হয়।  বোস্টন কন্সাল্টিং গ্রপ এর গবেষণা অনুযায়ী বাংলাদেশের প্রায় ৭ শতাংশ মানুষ অর্থাৎ ১.২০ কোটি ব্যাক্তি বার্ষিক ৬০০০ ডলার (৪ লক্ষ ৭০ হাজার টাকা) এর বেশী আয় করে; অথচ বাংলাদেশে নিবন্ধিত আয়কর দাতার সংখ্যা মাত্র ১৮ লাখ, এর মধ্যে মাত্র সাড়ে ১১ লক্ষ করদাতা বার্ষিক আয়কর বিবরণী দাখিল করেন। স্পষ্টতই উচ্চ আয়ের ব্যক্তিদের শনাক্ত করা গেলে বিশাল অঙ্কের আয়কর আহরণ সম্ভব হবে। এর ফলে সরকারের রাজস্ব আয় যেমন বৃদ্ধি পাবে তেমনি সমতাভিত্তিক সমাজ প্রতিষ্ঠার লক্ষ্যটিও সহজসাধ্য হবে। দুর্ভাগ্যের বিষয় এই লক্ষ্যে সৃজনশীল উদ্যোগ নেয়া হচ্ছে না।

• অর্থমন্ত্রী তাঁর বাজেট বক্তৃতায় বলেছেন, ‘অবশেষে আমরা ছয় হতে সাড়ে ছয় শতাংশের বলয় অতিক্রম করে চলতি অর্থবছরে ৭.০৫ শতাংশ প্রবৃদ্ধি অর্জন করব বলে আশা করছি। এর ফলে মাথাপিছু আয় উন্নীত হবে ১ হাজার ৪ শত ৬৬ মার্কিন ডলারে’।  আমরা ইতোমধ্যে সংবাদ সম্মেলন করে প্রবৃদ্ধির হিসেব সম্পর্কে প্রশ্ন তুলেছি। ব্যক্তিখাতে বিনিয়োগ মন্থরতা, রাজস্ব সংগ্রহে বিশাল অঙ্কের ঘাটতি, বার্ষিক উন্নয়ন প্রকল্প বাস্তবায়নে ধীরগতি ও কাঙ্ক্ষিত সক্ষমতার অভাব প্রভৃতি কারণে চলতি অর্থবছরে ৭.০৫ এই মাত্রায় প্রবৃদ্ধি অর্জন নিয়ে সংশয় প্রকাশ করেছি। অর্থমন্ত্রীর বাজেট বক্তৃতার ১২ পৃষ্ঠার সারণি ১ থেকে দেখা যায় ২০০৬-০৭ সালে ৭.০৬ শতাংশ জিডিপি প্রবৃদ্ধি হয়েছিল। প্রবৃদ্ধির এই হিসাব আমাদের জানামতে ২০০৫-০৬ কে ভিত্তি বছর গন্য করে নির্ণয় করা হয়েছে। কাজেই চলতি অর্থবছরে ৬ থেকে ৬.৫ শতাংশ প্রবৃদ্ধির হার অতিক্রম করে ৭ শতাংশের কোঠায় প্রথমবারের মত পৌঁছেছে বলে দাবী করা তথ্যসম্মত নয়। অর্থমন্ত্রী আশা করছেন ২০১৬-১৭ অর্থবছরে ৭.২ শতাংশ প্রবৃদ্ধি অর্জিত হবে। ২০১৫-১৬ অর্থবছরে ব্যক্তিখাতে বিনিয়োগ সাময়িক হিসাব অনুযায়ী ২০১৪-১৫ অর্থবছরের ২২.০৭ শতাংশ থেকে ২১.৭৮ শতাংশে নেমে এসেছে। প্রকৃত প্রস্তাবে ব্যক্তিখাতে বিনিয়োগের এই নেতিবাচক প্রবনতা থেকে বের হয়ে আসার যুক্তিসঙ্গত  কোন কৌশল বলা হয়নি। ব্যাক্তিখাতে বিনিয়োগ না বাড়ার কারণ, গ্যাস এর মত প্রাইমারি এনার্জির অভাব, নিরবিচ্ছিন্ন বিদ্যুৎ সরবরাহ না থাকা, সরকারের ক্রনি ক্যাপিটালিজম মুখী নীতির ফলে সরকারের অনুগ্রহের বাইরে অবস্থানকারী ব্যবসায়ী-শিল্পপতিদের প্রতি বৈষম্যমূলক আচরন, গণতান্ত্রিক অধিকার দলন এবং ভবিষ্যৎ সম্পর্কে আস্থাহীনতার ফলে ব্যক্তিখাতে বিনিয়োগ স্থবির হয়ে আছে। কাঙ্ক্ষিত অবকাঠামোগত উন্নয়নও হয়নি। সব মিলিয়ে ব্যক্তিখাতে বিনিয়োগ মন্দা চলছে। অনেকে ভবিষ্যৎ আশাব্যাঞ্জক মনে না করার ফলে বিদেশে পুঁজি পাচার করছে। বাংলাদেশ থেকে কেবল ২০১৩ সনে ৭৬ হাজার ৩ শত ৬১ কোটি ৬০ লক্ষ টাকা পাচার হয়ে গেছে। ২০০৭ থেকে ২০১২ পর্যন্ত উল্লেখযোগ্য পরিমান পুঁজি বাংলাদেশ থেকে পাচার হয়েছে। এসব তথ্য ‘গ্লোবাল ফিনান্সিয়াল ইন্টিগ্রিটি’ সূত্রে জানা গেছে।

বাংলাদেশের মত একটি উন্নয়নশীল দেশের জন্য এই চিত্র খুবই ভয়াবহ। প্রস্তাবিত বাজেটে পুঁজি পাচার রোধে নীতি কৌশলগুলো সুচিহ্নিত করা হয়নি।
সরকার ব্যক্তিখাতে পুঁজি বিনিয়োগ ঘাটতি পুরনের জন্য সরকারি বিনিয়োগের উপর নির্ভর করছে। ২০১৫-১৬ অর্থবছরে সরকারী বিনিয়োগ পূর্ববর্তি বছরের সরকারী বিনিয়োগের জিডিপি হার ৬.৮২ শতাংশ থেকে ৭.৬০ শতাংশ হারে উন্নীত করা হয়েছে। কিছু কিছু ক্ষেত্রে সরকারী বিনিয়োগ এর বিকল্প না থাকলেও সামগ্রিক ভাবে সরকারী বিনিয়োগ ব্যক্তিখাতে বিনিয়োগের বিকল্প হতে পারে না। বস্তুত বেসরকারি খাত সরকারী খাতের তুলনায় অনেক বেশী পরিমান বিনিয়োগ করতে সক্ষম। গবেষণা প্রতিষ্ঠান সিপিডি বলেছে, এই বাজেট বাস্তবায়ন করতে হলে ৮০ হাজার কোটি টাকার বাড়তি বিনিয়োগ লাগবে। বাড়তি তো দুরের কথা, সরকারের পক্ষে ঘোষিত লক্ষ্যই অর্জন করা সম্ভব নয়। সুতরাং আমরা মনে করি বিনিয়োগ সহায়ক পরিবেশ সৃষ্টি করে ব্যক্তিখাতকেই বিনিয়োগে এগিয়ে আসার সুযোগ করে দিতে হবে। মনে রাখতে হবে সরকারী বিনিয়োগ প্রায়শই অদক্ষতাদোষে দুষ্ট হয়। কারন সরকারের পক্ষ থেকে যারা বিনিয়োগ ব্যবস্থাপনা করেন তাঁদের ব্যক্তিগত দায়বদ্ধতা থাকে না।

বাংলাদেশে সরকারী বিনিয়োগের গুনগত মান সম্পর্কে বড় রকমের প্রশ্ন রয়েছে। সময়মত প্রকল্পগুলো বাস্তবায়িত না হওয়া এবং প্রকল্প ব্যয় বৃদ্ধি প্রকল্পের গুনগত মানকে ভয়াবহ ভাবে অবনত করে। দৃষ্টান্ত স্বরূপ, ২০০৬ সালে সাড়ে এগারো হাজার কোটি টাকায় নির্ধারিত পদ্মা সেতুর ব্যয় এখন ২৮ হাজার কোটি টাকার উপরে বাড়ানো হয়েছে। ঢাকা মহানগরীতে মগবাজার-মৌচাক ফ্লাইওভার এর  প্রারম্ভিক প্রকল্প ব্যয় ৩৪৩ কোটি টাকা থেকে বাড়িয়ে সর্বশেষ ১২১৮ কোটি ৮৯ লক্ষ টাকা করা হয়েছে। কয়েকটি চার লেন উন্নীতকরন প্রকল্পসহ অন্যান্য প্রকল্পের বেলায়ও একই কথা প্রযোজ্য। তাছাড়া বাংলাদেশে ফ্লাইওভার ও মহাসড়কের কি.মি. প্রতি নির্মাণ ব্যয় পৃথিবীর মধ্যে সবচেয়ে বেশী। ৩১ মে ২০১৬ তারিখে প্রকাশিত জাতীয় দৈনিক কালের কণ্ঠের প্রতিবেদন অনুযায়ী ভারতের কলকাতায় নির্মিত পরমা ফ্লাইওভার নির্মাণে কি.মি. প্রতি খরচ ৪৮ কোটি টাকা, মালায়েশিয়া ও চীনে কি.মি. প্রতি খরচ ৮০-৯০ কোটি টাকা, অথচ বাংলাদেশে ঢাকা ফ্লাইওভারে কি.মি. প্রতি খরচ ৩১৬ কোটি টাকা, মৌচাক-মালিবাগ ফ্লাইওভারে কি.মি. প্রতি খরচ ১৩৫ কোটি টাকা, ও মেয়র হানিফ ফ্লাইওভারে কি.মি. প্রতি খরচ ১৮০ কোটি টাকা। দৈনিক বনিক বার্তার ৬ অক্টোবর ২০১৫ সনের একটি রিপোর্ট থেকে জানা যায়, চার লেনের নতুন মহাসড়ক নির্মাণে ইউরোপের বিভিন্ন দেশে খরচ হয় গড়ে ৩৫ লক্ষ ডলার বা ২৮ কোটি টাকা। আর দুই লেন থেকে চার লেনে উন্নীত করতে কি.মি. প্রতি ব্যয় হয় ২০ লক্ষ ডলার বা ২০ কোটি টাকা। ২০১৫ সালের জানুয়ারিতে প্রকাশিত বিশ্বের নিম্ন ও মধ্যম আয়ের দেশগুলোর সড়ক অবকাঠামো নির্মাণ ব্যয় সংক্রান্ত এক প্রতিবেদনে বলা হয়, নতুন চার লেনের মহাসড়ক নির্মাণে কি.মি. প্রতি ব্যয় হবে ২২ লক্ষ ডলার বা ১৭ কোটি টাকা। আর দুই লেনের মহাসড়ককে চার লেন করতে এই ব্যয়ের পরিমান ১৪.৫ লক্ষ ডলার বা বাংলাদেশের মুদ্রায় ১১ কোটি টাকা। ৪০টি দেশের নির্মাণ ব্যয় এর ভিত্তিতে ইকোনোমেট্রিক মডেল প্রয়োগ করে গড় ব্যয় নির্ণয় করা হয়। ‘দ্য কস্ট অব রোড ইনফ্রাস্ট্রাকচার ইন লো অ্যান্ড মিডল ইনকাম কান্ট্রিজ’ শীর্ষক গবেষণা প্রতিবেদনটি যৌথভাবে প্রণয়ন করেন অক্সফোর্ড, কলাম্বিয়া ও গোথেনবার্গ বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের তিনজন অধ্যাপক। প্রতিবেশী দেশ ভারতে প্রকাশিত এক সমীক্ষা থেকে দেখা গেছে, চার লেনের নতুন মহাসড়ক নির্মাণে কি.মি. প্রতি ব্যয় বাংলাদেশের মুদ্রায় ৯.৫ থেকে ১০.৫ কোটি টাকা। জমি অধিগ্রহণ ব্যয়ও এর মধ্যে অন্তর্ভুক্ত। চীনে এই খরচ বাংলাদেশি মুদ্রায় ১২ থেকে ১৩ কোটি টাকা। অপরদিকে বাংলাদেশে মহাসড়ক চার লেনে উন্নীতকরনের জন্য রংপুর-হাটিকুমরুল অংশে কি.মি. প্রতি ব্যয় পড়ছে ৫২ কোটি ৭ লক্ষ টাকা, ঢাকা-সিলেট মহাসড়ক চার লেনে উন্নীতকরনে কি.মি. প্রতি ব্যয় পড়ছে ৫৬ কোটি ৪ লক্ষ টাকা, ঢাকা-মাওয়া-ভাঙ্গা মহাসড়ক চার লেনে উন্নীতকরনে কি.মি. প্রতি খরচ পড়ছে ৯৪ কোটি ৯০ লক্ষ টাকা। ফলে মহাসড়ক নির্মাণে বিশ্বে সবচেয়ে ব্যায়বহুল দেশ এখন বাংলাদেশ। অথচ বাংলাদেশ প্রকৌশল বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের (বুয়েট) এক গবেষণায় দেখা গেছে, দেশে প্রতি কিলোমিটার মহাসড়ক নির্মাণে গড়ে ব্যয় হয় ৫-৬ কোটি টাকা। ফলে দুই লেনের মহাসড়ক চার লেনে উন্নীত করতে কিলোমিটারপ্রতি ১০-১২ কোটি টাকা ব্যয় হওয়ার কথা। জনগনের দেওয়া করের অর্থের সদ্ব্যবহার হচ্ছে কি না এই প্রশ্ন আমরা যুক্তিসঙ্গতভাবে উত্থাপন করতে পারি। এই প্রসঙ্গে বাজেটে ব্যয়ের গুন-মানের প্রশ্নটি অতীব গুরুত্বপূর্ণ।

• ২০১৬-১৭ অর্থবছরের বাজেটে পুঁজিবাজার উন্নয়নের জন্য ১৩ হাজার ১২১ কোটি টাকা এবং রাষ্ট্রমালিকানাধীন ব্যাংক এর মূলধন ঘাটতি পুরনে ২ হাজার কোটি টাকা বরাদ্দ রাখা হয়েছে। এই বরাদ্দ নিয়ে সমালোচনা হচ্ছে। রাষ্ট্রমালিকানাধীন ব্যাংক ও পুঁজিবাজারের জন্য নতুন করে অর্থ বরাদ্দের সমালোচনা করেছে সিপিডি। সংস্থাটি বলছে, “প্রস্তাবিত বাজেটে পুঁজিবাজারে বিনিয়োগের জন্য ১৩ হাজার ১২১ কোটি টাকা এবং রাষ্ট্রমালিকানাধীন ব্যাংকের জন্য ২ হাজার কোটি টাকা বরাদ্দ রাখা হয়েছে। অথচ আর্থিক খাতের এ দুটি ক্ষেত্রই খুবই দুর্বল অবস্থায় রয়েছে। সেখানে বড় ধরনের সংস্কার ছাড়া সৎ করদাতাদের অর্থ দেওয়া কোনোভাবেই উচিত হবে না”। বাংলাদেশে পুঁজিবাজারের দুর্বলতা সুবিদিত। পুঁজিবাজার থেকে এই সরকারের আমলে প্রায় ১ লক্ষ কোটি টাকা লুণ্ঠিত হয়েছে। এর জন্য কাউকে শাস্তি পেতে হয়নি। পুঁজিবাজারে সর্বস্ব হারিয়ে কেউ কেউ আত্মহত্যার পথ বেছে নিয়েছে। পুঁজিবাজারের কাঠামোগত দুর্বলতার জন্যই এই লুণ্ঠন সম্ভব হয়েছে। একইভাবে রাষ্ট্রমালিকানাধীন ব্যাংকগুলো ফোকলা হয়ে পড়েছে এবং ব্যাংকগুলো পুঁজিঘাটতিতে পড়ে নিদারুন ঝুঁকির মধ্যে রয়েছে। এই ব্যাংকগুলোর পুঁজিঘাটতি পুরনের জন্য ২ হাজার কোটি টাকা বরাদ্দ এবং অতীতেও একই কারনে বড় অঙ্কের বরাদ্দ করদাতাদেরই অর্থে বহন করা হবে।  কার্যত এই বরাদ্দ সৎ করদাতাদের ওপর জরিমানা আরোপ করে লুটেরাদের প্রশ্রয় দেবার শামিল।

• বাজেটে কোন খাত কি রকম প্রাধান্য পায় সেটি একটি গুরুত্বপূর্ণ বিষয়। বাজেট প্রণীত হয় অর্থ মন্ত্রনলায়ে। অনেক সময় মন্ত্রনালয়ে চিহ্নিত অগ্রাধিকারে জনগনের অগ্রাধিকারের সঠিক প্রতিফলন ঘটে না। এটা সামাজিক চয়ন এর সমস্যা। সত্যিকারের জনপ্রতিনিধিত্বশীল সংসদ না থাকলে, সংসদে সুষ্ঠু বিতর্ক না হলে, জনসমাজের মতামত বিবেচনায় না নিলে, গণমাধ্যমে প্রতিফলিত মতামত বিবেচনায় না নিলে, সমাজের বিভিন্ন স্বার্থ গোষ্ঠীর চাওয়া পাওয়া কে গুরুত্ব না দিলে এবং জনমত জরীপের ব্যবস্থা না থাকলে সঠিক সামাজিক চয়ন সম্ভব হয় না। অর্থমন্ত্রী বাজেট রচনার স্তরে কিছু কিছু গোষ্ঠীর সঙ্গে পরামর্শ করেছেন। কিন্তু সেসব গোষ্ঠীর পক্ষ থেকে বাজেট পেশের পর বলা হয়েছে তাঁদের পরামর্শ বিবেচনায় নেয়া হয়নি।

• শিক্ষা ও প্রযুক্তি খাতে উন্নয়ন ও অনুন্নয়ন ব্যয় মিলিয়ে সর্বোচ্চ (১৪.৭%) বরাদ্দ দেয়া হয়েছে। পূর্ববর্তী বছরে শিক্ষা খাত পিছিয়ে ছিল। আগামী অর্থবছরে শিক্ষা ও প্রযুক্তি খাতকে একত্র করে বরাদ্দ দেবার ফলে বোঝা যাচ্ছে না শিক্ষা খাতে নিট বরাদ্দ কত এবং প্রযুক্তি খাতে নিট বরাদ্দ কত। এর মধ্যে শুভঙ্করের কোন ফাঁক রয়েছে কি না সেটাই প্রশ্ন। সামগ্রিকভাবে শিক্ষার মান নিয়ে বড় রকমের উদ্বেগ রয়েছে।  শিক্ষা ক্ষেত্রে দলীয়করণ ও দুর্নীতির ফলে এবং দেশের উপযোগী পাঠ্যক্রম না থাকার ফলে এই পরিস্থিতির উদ্ভব ঘটেছে। শিক্ষা খাতে বড় ধরনের সংস্কার ব্যতীত শুধু অর্থ বরাদ্দ দিয়ে পরিস্থিতির পরিবর্তন ঘটানো যাবে না। কিন্তু সংস্কারের জন্যও অর্থ সম্পদের প্রয়োজন। আগামী অর্থবছরের বাজেটে শিক্ষা খাতে জিডিপির আড়াই শতাংশ বরাদ্দ ধরা হয়েছে। এটি গত বছরের তুলনায় বেশি। কিন্তু এরপরও এটি দক্ষিণ এশিয়ার মধ্যে সবচেয়ে কম।

স্বাস্থ্য খাতে উন্নয়ন ও অনুন্নয়ন ব্যয় মিলিয়ে বরাদ্দ দেয়া হয়েছে বাজেটের ৪.৭% যা অগ্রাধিকার তালিকায় ১১তম এবং জিডিপির ১ শতাংশের কম। এমনিতেই স্বাস্থ্য খাতে বাংলাদেশের মাথাপিছু ব্যয় দুনিয়ার দেশগুলোর মধ্যে অতি নিচু স্তরে। স্বাস্থ্য খাত অর্থমন্ত্রীর কাছ থেকে সুবিচার পায়নি।
কৃষি খাত জাতীয় অর্থনীতির খুবই গুরুত্বপূর্ণ খাত। দেশের জনগোষ্ঠীর বড় অংশ এই খাতে জড়িত। বরাদ্দের বিচারে কৃষি খাত অবস্থান করছে ১৩তম স্থানে। কৃষকের বড় অবদান দেশকে খাদ্যশস্যে স্বয়ংসম্পূর্ণ করে তোলা। শস্য খাত ছাড়াও কৃষির অন্যান্য সহখাতেরও যথেষ্ট বিকাশ হয়েছে। কিন্তু কৃষক ফসলের ন্যায্যমূল্য পাচ্ছে না। কৃষককে এক কেজি গরুর গোস্তের দামে এক মন ধান বিক্রি করতে হচ্ছে। ফসলের ন্যায্যমূল্য নিশ্চিত করার জন্য পণ্য বাজারজাতকরনে কৃষকের প্রত্যক্ষ অংশগ্রহণের সুযোগ সম্বলিত প্রতিষ্ঠান দরকার। এরকম প্রতিষ্ঠান গড়ে তোলার জন্য কৃষি খাতে বাড়তি বরাদ্দ দেওয়া প্রয়োজন।

• বাজেট বৃদ্ধির সাথে সাথে বাজেট ঘাটতিও বৃদ্ধি পাচ্ছে। প্রস্তাবিত বাজেটে ঘাটতির পরিমান ৯৭ হাজার ৮৫৩ কোটি টাকা ধরা হয়েছে। বাজেট ঘাটতির অর্থ যোগানের জন্য ঋণের আশ্রয় নিতে হয়। ঋণের জন্য সুদও দিতে হয়। সুদ পরিশোধের জন্য প্রাস্তাবিত বাজেটে ১১.৭% অর্থ বরাদ্দ রাখা হয়েছে। এর ফলে অন্যান্য খাতের উপর চাপ সৃষ্টি হচ্ছে। এছাড়া ঘাটতি অর্থায়ন মূল্যস্ফীতির ঝুঁকি সৃষ্টি করে। এর সার্বিক প্রতিক্রিয়াও বিবেচনায় নিতে হবে।

• ২০১৫-১৬ অর্থবছরের বার্ষিক উন্নয়ন কর্মসূচিতে বারদ্দকৃত ৯৭ হাজার কোটি টাকার মধ্যে প্রথম দশ মাসে ৫০.১৮ শতাংশ বাস্তবায়িত হয়েছে। এরকম অদক্ষ বাস্তবায়নের ধারায় অর্থবছরের শেষ ২ মাসে অবশিষ্ট অর্থ ব্যবহার হবে অপচয় ও অপব্যবহারের শামিল। এডিপির গুনগত মান হবে দারুন প্রশ্নবিদ্ধ।

• বাংলাদেশ পরিসংখ্যান ব্যুরোর (বিবিএস) প্রকাশিত শ্রমশক্তি জরিপ-২০১৫ অনুযায়ী গেল দুই বছরে মাত্র ৬ লাখ নতুন কর্মসংস্থান হয়েছে। অর্থাৎ বছরে গড়ে মাত্র ৩ লাখ মানুষ চাকরি বা কাজ পেয়েছেন। প্রতি বছর বেকার হচ্ছে প্রায় ২৪ লাখ মানুষ। সেই হিসাবে দুই বছরে দেশে বেকারের সংখ্যা বেড়েছে ৪৮ লাখ। অর্থমন্ত্রীর বাজেট বক্তৃতায় ব্যাপক কর্মহীন মানুষের জন্য কর্মসংস্থান সৃষ্টির সুনির্দিষ্ট কোন কৌশল উল্লেখ করা হয়নি। তবে তিনি ‘ডেমোগ্রাফিক ডিভিডেন্ড’ এর প্রসঙ্গ উল্লেখ করে বলতে চেয়েছেন শ্রমশক্তির দক্ষতা বৃদ্ধির মাধ্যমে এই সুযোগ ব্যবহার করা সম্ভব। তিনি কারিগরি প্রশিক্ষন সহ বিভিন্ন প্রশিক্ষন কর্মসূচীর কথা উল্লেখ করেছেন। এটা সাপ্লাই সাইড বিষয়ক পদক্ষেপ। এর পাশাপাশি প্রয়োজন ডিমান্ড সাইডগত পদক্ষেপ যা সম্ভব হবে গুনগত মানসম্পন্ন এবং শ্রম-চাহিদা সৃষ্টিকারী বিনিয়োগের মাধ্যমে। এক্ষেত্রে বিদ্যমান অর্থনৈতিক দুর্বলতা কারো অজানা নয়। আন্তর্জাতিক শ্রম সংস্থা আইএলও  এর প্রকাশিত জানুয়ারি-২০১৬র প্রতিবেদনে উল্লেখ করা হয়েছে বিদায়ী বছরেও (২০১৫) আগের বছরের তুলনায় বাংলাদেশে কর্মসংস্থানের হার কমেছে। চলতি বছরেও কমবে। এতে বলা হয়েছে চলতি বছর বাংলাদেশে কর্মসংস্থান কমবে ৪ দশমিক ২ শতাংশ হারে। এ ছাড়া ২০১৭, ২০১৮ ও ২০১৯ সালে কমবে ৪ শতাংশ হারে। এতে আমরা উদ্বিগ্ন না হয়ে পারি না। আইএলও  এর এই প্রক্ষেপণের সঙ্গে অর্থমন্ত্রীর দাবীকৃত জিডিপি প্রবৃদ্ধির অঙ্ক মেলানো যাচ্ছে না।

• রপ্তানিমুখী পোশাক শিল্প মালিকরা ০.৬ শতাংশ উৎস করের স্থলে ১.৫ শতাংশ হারে উৎস কর আরোপে গভীর উদ্বেগ প্রকাশ করেছেন। তাঁরা মনে করেন, এর ফলে ৩ শতাংশ হারে তাঁরা যে মুনাফা করেন তাঁর অর্ধেকটাই সরকার উৎস কর হিসেবে গ্রাস করবে। তাঁরা আরও মনে করেন উৎস কর বাড়ানোর ফলে অনেক ছোট ও মাঝারি পোশাক কারখানা বন্ধ হয়ে যাবে এবং সামগ্রিকভাবে রপ্তানিমুখী পোশাক খাত প্রতিযোগিতার শক্তি হারাবে। বিএনপি পোশাক শিল্প মালিকদের উদ্বেগের প্রতি সহানুভূতি পোষণ করে। আমরা আশা করি অর্থমন্ত্রী পুরো বিষয়টিকে স্বচ্ছ করে তোলার জন্য উৎস করের প্রতিক্রিয়া সম্পর্কে প্রয়োজনীয় ব্যাখ্যা দেবেন। পোশাক শিল্প দেশের প্রধান কর্মসংস্থান সৃষ্টিকারী খাত। এই খাতের কোনরূপ ক্ষতি হলে কর্মসংস্থানের উপর বিরূপ প্রভাব পড়বে এবং দারিদ্র্য প্রকট করে তুলবে। উল্লেখ্য যে অন্যান্য রপ্তানিমুখী শিল্পের উপরও উৎস কর প্রযোজ্য হবে। তাই পুরো বিষয়টি সক্রিয় বিবেচনার দাবী রাখে।

• অর্থমন্ত্রী মোবাইল ফোন সেবা প্রদানকারী কোম্পানিগুলোর কাছ থেকে সন্তোষজনক মাত্রায় রাজস্ব আদায় করতে না পারার অজুহাতে মোবাইল ফোন ব্যবহারকারীদের কথা বলার ওপর বর্তমান ১৫% ভ্যাট এর অতিরিক্ত ১% সারচার্জ ও ৫% সম্পুরক কর আরোপের প্রস্তাব করেছেন। এতে ১০০ টাকার কথা বললে গ্রাহককে ২১ টাকা কর দিতে হবে। হাসপাতালে ব্যবহৃত কিছু যন্ত্র এবং ইসিজি ও আল্ট্রাসনোগ্রামে ব্যবহ্রত কাগজ এর ওপর কর প্রস্তাব স্বাস্থ্যসেবাকে আরও ব্যয়বহুল করবে।  আমরা মনে করি এসব ক্ষেত্রে কর প্রস্তাব পুনর্বিবেচনার সুযোগ আছে।

• অর্থমন্ত্রী বাজেটে কম্পিউটার, যন্ত্রাংশ ও কম্পিউটার সংশ্লিষ্ট পণ্যে আমদানি শুল্ক বৃদ্ধি করেছে। এতে করে স্বাভাবিকভাবেই এসব পণ্যের দাম বাড়বে। কম্পিউটার, কম্পিউটার যন্ত্রাংশ, প্রিন্টার, স্ক্যানার, টোনার, কার্ট্রিজ, হার্ডডিস্ক, মডেম, ইউপিএস, আইপিএস, মোবাইল সিমসহ তথ্যপ্রযুক্তি পণ্যের ওপর বিদ্যমান শুল্ক ২ শতাংশ থেকে বাড়িয়ে ৫ শতাংশ করা হয়েছে। বাংলাদেশে তথ্য প্রযুক্তির প্রতি যুবসমাজের যে উৎসাহ সৃষ্টি হয়েছে এই কর আরোপের ফলে তাতে ভাটা পড়বে। প্রযুক্তি অঙ্গনে দেশের এগিয়ে যাওয়া কে ব্যাহত করবে। এই কর প্রত্যাহার করতে হবে।

• আমরা মনে করি, একটি সুষ্ঠু এবং সকল দলের অংশগ্রহণমুলক নির্বাচনের মাধ্যমে যে সংসদ গঠিত হয় তেমন একটি সংসদের পক্ষেই সত্যিকারের দেশপ্রেম ও জনকল্যাণমুখী বাজেট অনুমোদন করা সম্ভব। বর্তমান সংসদের সেরকম চরিত্র নেই। আমরা আশা করব দেশে সত্যিকার জনপ্রতিনিধিত্ব মুলক সংসদ গঠিত হবে। এর জন্য একটি সুষ্ঠু ও নিরপেক্ষ জাতীয় নির্বাচন হওয়া প্রয়োজন।

Free speech in Bangladesh: Muted by machetes

From The Economist print edition / June 4, 2016

ON APRIL 14th the police prevented Xulhaz Mannan, the editor of Roopbaan, a gay-rights magazine, from organising a “rainbow rally” and arrested several of his supporters. Mr Mannan had argued that if more gay people in Bangladesh were open about their sexuality, their neighbours would learn to accept them. Eleven days later half a dozen men posing as couriers knocked on his door, carrying a parcel full of machetes. They slashed him and a friend to death. A local group affiliated to al-Qaeda claimed responsibility. Promoting tolerance of homosexuality was “American imperialism”, they said.

Bangladesh has become one of the most dangerous places on Earth to suggest in public that gay people might have rights or that Islam might not have all the answers. Since April eight people deemed anti-Islamic have been slaughtered. Rezaul Karim Siddique, a professor who celebrated indigenous music and literature, was all but beheaded on his way to work. Nazimuddin Samad, a young blogger who criticised Islamism, was hacked and shot to death on the street by men shouting “Allahu akbar!”

Bangladesh’s supposedly secular government seems keener to denounce the dead than to catch their killers. “Our society does not allow any movement that promotes unnatural sex,” said the home minister, Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal, after Mr Mannan’s murder. Sheikh Hasina, the prime minister, has likened the slain bloggers’ writing to “porn”. Those who silence secular voices with steel are seldom caught. Liberals complain of a culture of impunity. “We are very worried about our lives. Things are not getting better,” frets a surviving colleague of Mr Mannan. “If the government doesn’t support us, naturally the police won’t support us, either.”

The killers are highly motivated and well organised. Some appear to have been inspired by the triumphal snuff videos of Islamic State. The government accuses opposition parties of being behind the campaign of terror, but offers little evidence to support this charge.

Maruf Rosul, a blogger and secular activist, says he gets death threats all the time. They say things like: “You are an atheist pig. We will kill you.” Those making the threats cannot be identified since they use fake Twitter accounts or make phone calls from encrypted sources over the internet. “Last night I got a threat on [my] mobile [phone] from a Middle East number. This is common.” Mr Rosul admits to feeling afraid, but says he is determined to keep “fighting for a society based on pluralism and equal rights”.

Odhikar Human Rights Monitoring Report

May 1 – 31, 2016

As part of its mission, Odhikar monitors the human rights situation in order to promote and protect civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of Bangladeshi citizens and to report on violations and defend the victims.

In line with this campaign, Odhikar prepares and releases human rights status reports every month. The organisation has released this human rights monitoring report for May 2016, despite facing persecution and continuous harassment and threats to its existence since August 10, 2013.

Hindrance to freedom of expression and the media

1.  The government is severely curtailing freedom of expression and preventing dissenting voices. Interventions by the government; enacting laws; attacks on journalists and filing cases against them; and detention of journalists in prison continue to hinder freedom of speech and expression. Meanwhile a repressive law, called ‘Distortion of the History of Bangladesh Liberation War Crimes Act 2016’ has been drafted, incorporating provisions for imprisonment and fine; and the Parliamentary Standing Committee on the Ministry of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs has finalised the ‘Foreign Donation (Voluntary Activities) Regulation Bill 2016’ to control the non-governmental organisations (NGOs), which will hinder freedom of expression and freedom of association. The draft Press Council Act (amendment) 2016 has been finalised, incorporating provisions for closing down newspapers. The social media are also under constant monitor by the government. The repressive law

– the Information and Communication Technology Act 2006 (amended 2009, 2013) – is being imposed against people who are critical of the decisions and activities of those in high positions of the government and their families.

Distortion of the History of Bangladesh Liberation War Crimes Act 2016

2.  The Government had drafted another repressive law, called ‘Distortion of the History of Bangladesh Liberation War Crimes Act 2016.’ According to the sdraft, misinterpretation or disrespect to any documents relating to the liberation war disseminated or published during the Liberation War and any publication during that period, will be considered a crime. In the draft law, the period of the liberation war was set from March 1 to December 16, 1971. The second sub-clause of the proposed law says the denial of ‘incidents’ which occurred between March 1 and March 25, 1971, will be considered as crimes. However, there was no explanation or discussion with regard to what those incidents are or were. Moreover, the liberation war stared from the midnight of March 25, 1971, but the draft law states it was from March 1. There was no what would be an ‘incident’ and what would be a ‘distortion’. According to section 6(1) of the proposed Act, “if anybody was instigated or abetted in or engaged in conspiracy with someone or took any initiative or attempt, that person will be punished as per the law. Anyone will be able to file a case under this Act.2 Violations of any section of this law will result in a sentence of up to five years imprisonment and ten million taka fine. Furthermore, cases filed under this Act will be investigated and prosecuted in short and specified period of time.3

4.  It has been envisioned that the ‘Distortion of the History of Bangladesh Liberation War Crimes Act 2016’ will be contrary to the objective and factual research on the liberation war and also hinder freedom of thought and conscience. There is no documented evidence in support of every incident that occurred during the nine months of the liberation war in 1971. Such information sometimes has to be collected from the victims or from people who directly participated in the war. Furthermore, several political ideologies were represented directly in the liberation war. Accepting only one of them would be bias as it would only be the government supported ideology; and the recognition of one thought is tantamount to the denial of the contributions of others, who actively participated in the war. This law might adversely affect someone who comments or researches on this matter; and it may create an opportunity of political misuse. Moreover, writing an article based on any new information relating to the liberation war, expressing opinions or comments or an interpretation of any matter, would be extremely dangerous, if the proposed law is passed. The law contains a provision whereby anyone can lodge a complaint against anybody, which indicates how long the list of cases will be in the future. Freedoms of thought, conscience and opinion are guaranteed in the Constitution, so this law will be contrary to the Constitution, if  enacted.

Foreign Donation (Voluntary Activities) Regulation Bill 2016 finalised to regulate NGOs

5.  On May 18, 2016 the Parliamentary Standing Committee on the Ministry of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs finalised the ‘Foreign Donation (Voluntary Activities) Regulation Bill 2016’ incorporating provisions for regulating non-government organisations (NGOs). In this Bill, a provision of taking punitive action has been put in place against any NGO or NGO activist for insulting or making derogatory remarks against the Constitution or any constitutional body. According to the proposed Bill, registration of an NGO can be cancelled or suspended if the government has reason to believe that derogatory remarks have been made against the Constitution, the Judiciary, the Law Commission, the Election Commission and the attorney General.4 It is to be mentioned that on June 2, 2014 the Cabinet approved the proposed ‘Foreign Donation (Voluntary Activities) Regulation Act 2014’, which was again submitted as a Bill after some scrutiny.

6.   Odhikar believes that the space for freedom of opinion and expression will shrink even more and NGOs will come under stringent control if this Bill is passed as law. Human rights organisations and NGOs which work on civil and political rights will be in trouble and their voices will be gagged once the Bill is implemented. Odhikar fears that an environment for eliminating human rights NGOs may be created through imposing this law.

Draft Press Council (amendment) Act 2016 finalised, incorporating provision for closing down of newspapers

7. The Press Council finalised the draft Press Council (amendment) Act, 2016 incorporating provisions for stopping the publication of any newspaper or media for a maximum of three days or five hundred thousand taka fine, if the media and news agencies contravene any decision or order of the Press Council. Persons who are affiliated with the media alleged that the government is formulating new laws to control the media. Earlier the Ministry of Information released a repressive draft law called the ‘National Broadcasting Act 2016’, incorporating the provisions of imprisonment and monetary fines. According to the draft National Broadcasting Law, violations of any rules or provisions of this law will result in a sentence of up to three months imprisonment and at least five hundred thousand taka fine or both.

Social media under RAB surveillance

8.   In order to monitor social media, the government brought a surveillance software social media network monitoring system (SMNMS) for the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) from a US-based company named ‘Snaptrends’, spending 100 million taka. Using this software, RAB will be able to collect information from all kinds of blogs including Facebook, Twitter, Instragram, Google Plus, YouTube and Wordpress. The government can take legal action against persons based on the posts on social media, which they will deem harmful to society, state and the government.

9. Meanwhile, the repressive Information and Communication Technology Act 2006 (Amended 2009 & 2013) remains in force. From January to May 2016, seven persons were arrested under this Act for writing posts against high officials of the government and their families on Facebook.

Attacks on journalists

10. According to information gathered by Odhikar, in May 2016, six journalists were injured over their professional duties.

11.  Odhikar expresses grave concern over the ongoing hindrances to freedom of opinion and expression of citizens and interference in the media by the state. Odhikar believes that if any opinion or statement of any citizen goes against the government, he or she is at risk of being arrested, persecuted or harassed by the state. Odhikar demands the release of detained senior journalist Shafik Rehman; the Acting Editor of the daily Amar Desh, Mahmudur Rahman; and BFUJ President Shawkat Mahmud from jail immediately. Odhikar demands that the government repeal the repressive Information and Communication Technology Act 2006 (amended 2009, 2013) immediately and also expresses concern about proposed repressive laws ‘Distortion of the History of Bangladesh Liberation War Crimes Act 2016’, ‘National Broadcasting Act 2016’, ‘Press Council (amendment) Act 2016’ and ‘Foreign Donation (Voluntary Activities) Regulation Bill 2016’. Furthermore, Odhikar fears that the government’s decision to bring social media under surveillance will further shrink the space for the freedom of opinion and expression.

Political violence and irregularities during local government elections continue

Political violence

12.  According to information gathered by Odhikar, in May 2016, 51 persons were killed and 1569 were injured in political violence. Among them, 45 persons were  killed  and  1485  were  injured  in  acts  of  violence  during  the  Union Parishad elections. 34 incidents of internal violence in the Awami League and five in the BNP were also recorded during this period. Six persons were killed and 484 were injured in internal conflicts of the Awami League while three persons were killed and 48 were injured in conflicts within the BNP.

13. Political violence continues and has taken serious proportions across the country, centering on the Union Parishad elections, held under political banners. Leaders and activists of the ruling party have become desperate to hold onto power through farcical and controversial elections, without being accountable to the people. This practice has flourished through the criminal activities of the leaders and activists of Chhatra League and Jubo League across the country. They are attacking leaders and activists of the opposition political parties, government officials and ordinary citizens and are even engaged in internal conflicts and violence for the sake of their vested interest. During violent political altercations, these groups were seen in internal clashes in public, carrying and using lethal weapons. In most cases, the perpetrators could not be brought to justice. Several incidents of political violence took place during this time:

14.  On May 6, 2016 the Shipping Minister Shahjahan Khan was going to visit a port area and also attend a meeting in Porshuram Upazila under Feni District. Porshuman Upazila Nirbahi Officer (UNO) HM Rakib Haider and local Awami League leaders and activists were waiting at the Dhunikunda area on the Feni-Porshuram Road to receive the Minister. Feni District unit Awami League Vice-President Khairul Bashar Mazumdar Tapan and his supporters were also preparing to welcome the Minister at the same place a few moments away; for the inauguration of a Kindergarten school. UNO, HM Rakib Haider passed by the school without acknowledging Khairul Bashar Mazumdar Tapan. As a result Tapan and his supporters attacked Rakib Haider and physically assaulted him. Rakib Haider was admitted to Porshuram Upazila Health Complex. Due to the attack on the UNO, his driver Abul Kashem filed a case with Porshuram Police Station, naming seven accused persons and 10-12 more unknown persons. The police arrested Ward Councilor of Porshuram Municipality and Upazila unit Shramik League Convener, Abdul Mannan; local Jubo League leader Mohiuddin Parvez, Farooq Ahmed, Mohammad Mohiuddin and Abu Toiyab Masud under this

case. On May 11, the prime accused Khairul Bashar Mazumdar Tapan, and General Secretary of Chithalia Union unit Awami League and UP Chairman, Jasim Uddin, surrendered before the Speedy Tribunal of Judicial Magistrate Rajesh Chowdhury and appealed for bail. However, the Magistrate denied bail and ordered them to be sent to jail.

115 killed in five phases of Union Parishad electoral violence

15. Election related violence gained magnitude soon after the declaration of the Union Parishad election schedule. The violence commenced at the time of submitting nomination papers and continued till polling day. According to information gathered by Odhikar, a total of 115 persons were killed and at least 4953 persons were injured in the five phases of the UP elections.

16. All elections held to date, starting from the 10th Parliamentary elections on January 5, 2014, the Upazila elections in 2014; the City Corporation elections in 2015; the Municipality elections in 2015; to the Union Parishad elections in 2016, were probably the most controversial and violent elections in Bangladesh history. On February 11, 2016, the Election Commission declared the electoral schedule of the Union Parishad (UP) elections to be held in 4275 UPs in six phases. This was the first time that UP elections were conducted under political banners. The first, second, third, fourth and fifth phases of the elections were held with incidents of widespread irregularities;  including violence; killing; vote-rigging; capturing of polling stations; casting of fake votes; snatching away ballot papers and stuffing ballot boxes; and attacks on electoral officials. Incidents of attacks on citizens belonging to the minority communities increased three-fold during the UP elections. The Hindu- Boidhya-Christian Oikya Parishad alleged that the ruling Awami League and its rebel candidates were responsible for such violence. The fourth phase of elections was held in 703 UPs on May 7, 2016; Municipality elections were held in nine municipalities on May 25, and the fifth phase oftheelections was held in 733 UPs on May 28, 2016. The fourth and fifth phases of the UP elections, like the previous phases of elections, were also marked by  the  capturing  of  polling  stations;  snatching  away ballot  papers  and

casting fake votes, by supporters of the ruling Awami League (AL) nominated candidates. Some incidents are as follows:

The fourth phase of UP elections

17. Violent altercations occurred between supporters of the Awami League nominated candidate Sardar Jan Mohammad and supporters of AL-rebel candidate Shahiduzzaman Shahid, at Hatgangopara Bazar in Aouchpara Union under Baghmara Upazila, in Rajshahi District. One man named Siddiqur Rahman was shot dead by police during a clash. At around 2:30 pm, clashes took place between supporters of the AL-nominated candidate Rafiqul Islam and supporters of the AL-rebel candidate Zakir Hossain over casting of fake votes, at Maddhanagar Government Primary School polling centre in Paratali Union under Raipura Upazila in Norshingdi District. A man named Hossain Ali was killed and 30 persons were injured during the clash. At least 10 persons, including a sub-inspector of police, Rabiul, were injured during an altercation between supporters of the AL-nominated candidate (with symbol ‘Boat’) and police, in Kazi Kosba Kazipara Government Primary School and Milkipara Government Primary School polling centres of Rampal Union under Munshiganj District. Police claimed that Awami League supporters engaged in altercations with police in the two polling centres for establishing supremacy therein. In Panam Government Primary School polling centre under the same Union, supporters of the AL-nominated candidate stabbed and severely wounded Asaduzzaman, a member candidate using the symbol ‘Kite’. At around 2:00 pm, a violent altercation took place between supporters of member candidate Giasuddin (with symbol ‘Lock’) and supporters of another member candidate Alam (with symbol ‘Tube well’) in Kaaldanga Dakhil Madrassa polling centre of Paria Union, under Baliadanghi Upazila in Thakurgaon District. Members of law enforcement agencies used rubber bullets and later opened fire with live bullets to take control of the situation. During this altercation, an HSC examinee Mahbub Hossain of Maaskhuria Village was shot dead and four were injured. Altercations and incidents of shooting occurred between supporters of the AL-nominated candidate Aminul Islam Amin and supporters of the AL-rebel candidate Omar Ali over capturing polling booths in Mominpur Government Primary School polling station of Manikhat Union under Sujanagar Upazila in Pabna District. Both groups used sticks and local weapons during the clash. At that time, a man named Hedayet Hossain was shot and at least 10 persons were injured. Criminals attacked Ali Nagar Government Primary School polling centre of Dhalia Union, under Feni Sadar Upazila. When police tried to stop them, they opened fire and the Sub- Inspector of police, Mohammad Yeasin, was shot and wounded. Moreover, six persons, including Kazi Rassel, Rafiqul Islam, Bablu, Musa Mia, Arafat and Kabir Master were shot during a clash that occurred between the two rival member candidates in Uttar Sotor Government Primary School polling centre of Mohamaya Union, under Chhagolnaiya Upazila in Feni. Before the voting commenced, UP member candidate Shahjahan and his wife Hosneara Begum; Shahadat Hossain; Joynal Abedin; and Amanullah were shot at during a clash between supporters of two UP member candidates over establishing ‘supremacy’ in Jagannath Sonapur polling centre of Shuvapur Union. Meanwhile, an independent UP chairman candidate, Azizul Huq was beaten by  supporters of the  ruling (AL) party  in Nijkunjara Government Primary School polling centre of Ghopal Union in Chhagolnaiya. Only polling agents from the ruling party (AL) were present in Panami Government Primary School, Harishankarpur and Sitarampur polling centres, of Harishankarpur Union in Jhenaidah District. Allegations of intimidation on voters were found in Shitoli Mandartola, Bhaturia, Kapash Hatia and Ghorda polling centres in Harinakundu Upazila. Voters were barred from going to the polling stations. Allegations of fake votes were found in Bhabitpur polling centre of Raghunathpur Union. A female voter expressed her anger after failing to cast her vote in this polling centre. Casting of fake votes was also seen in polling stations at Nittanandapur, Podahati and Aduyakandi. At around 10:30 am, about 20-30 youth opened fire to disperse voters and captured Nandirhaat Government Primary School polling centre in Chikandandi Union under Haathazari Upazila in Chittagong District. Later they stuffed ballot papers into boxes with the help of police. Mobile Magistrate of Chittagong District Administration arrested the General Secretary of the city unit of Chhatra League Nurul Amin Roni; and Haathazari Upazila unit Chhatra League leader Arefur Rahman with pistols, from Charia polling centre of Mirzpur Union under the same Upazila. At around 11:00 am, there were no voters in Fatehpur Government Primary School polling centre of Fatehpur Union under the same Upazila. Chhatra League and Jubo League activists had captured the polling centre and had cast fake votes. Meanwhile, voting was suspended from 10:00 am to 11:00 am due to an altercation in Fatehpur Latitpara Government Primary School polling centre. The Presiding Officer of this polling centre, Shubhash Chandra, informed that voting was stopped for an hour after criminals attacked the centre and took away ballot papers and seals.

Elections held in nine municipalities with widespread irregularities

18. On May 25, 2016 elections in nine municipalities namely Ghorashal and Raipur Municipalities under Narshingdi District; Laxmipur Sadar Municipality under Laxmipur District; Kosba Municipality under Brahmanbaria District; Noakhali Sadar and Senbagh Municipalities under Noakhali District; Chhagolnaiya Municipality under Feni District; Teknaf Municipality under Cox’s Bazaar District; and Ramgarh Municipality under Khagrachhari District, were held amidst irregularities, including capturing of polling centres, casting fake votes and snatching away ballot papers. Polling agents of the BNP-nominated candidate, Rezaul Karim Liton, were not seen in most of the polling centres in Laxmipur Municipality. Supporters of the Awami League nominated candidate Abu Taher had allegedly ousted them and cast fake votes. In Chhagolnaiya Municipality, outsiders captured most of the polling stations at the beginning of voting and stuffed ballot papers into boxes after stamping the symbol ’boat’. They exploded crude bombs around the polling centres from early in the morning, to create panic among voters. The government supporters did not allow any agents of the BNP-nominated candidate Mohammad Alamgir to enter 10 polling stations. Allegations of stuffing ballots into boxes after openly stamping the symbol ’boat’, were found in Kosba Government Primary School polling station of Kosba Municipality. Furthermore, some voters in Kosba Boys High School polling centre alleged that the polling officers gave out ballots belonging only to the councilor candidates. Ballot papers belonging to the mayoral candidates were stamped by supporters of the AL-nominated candidate prior to voting. Supporters of the AL-nominated candidate were stuffing ballots into boxes after openly stamping the symbol ’boat’ in the presence of police in Kosba Girls High School polling centre. Police stopped journalists from entering this polling centre.

The fifth phase of UP elections

19.  On May 28, 2016 the fifth phase of elections was held in 733 Union Parishads with incidents of widespread violence, capturing of polling stations, vote- rigging and boycotting the polls. During the election, 10 persons including two candidates were killed and at least 600 persons were injured. Furthermore, 45 candidates boycotted the election. Among them, 38 candidates were from the BNP, two from the AL, four were independent and one was from the JSD. There were allegations of widespread violence, vote-rigging and irregularities in Begumganj and Senbag upazila of Noakhali. Based on such allegations, the Election Commission suspended voting in 56 centers of 15 Union Parishads (out of 16 Union Parishads) of Begumganj Upazila and 26 centers of nine Union Parishads of Senbag Upazila. During the violence at Darul Ulum Fazil Madrassa Polling Centre of Rajganj Union under Begumganj Upazila, police chased Sayed Ahammad (55), who was hurt in his head and abdomen as a result. On the way to hospital, he died. A man named Shakil Ahmeed (17), was shot dead by the police during the violence at K B High School Polling Centre of Jirtali Union under Begumganj Upazila. Mohammad Kamal Uddin, present chairman and rebel candidate of the BNP of Balorampur Union, under Titas Upazila in Comilla District, was stabbed to death by his opponent. This incident occurred on the day of voting at around 3:00 pm, outside Nagerchar Government Primary School polling centre. A violent altercation took place between supporters of the Awami League nominated candidate, Shakiruzzaman Rakhal; AL-rebel candidate Shahjahan Mia and the police, over capturing of Khutarchar Ebtedayi Madrassa polling centre of Bahadurpur Union under Dewanganj Upazila, in Jamalpur District. At that time police opened fire and Abdul Mazed (14), Ziaur Rahman Zia (30), Nur Islam (60) and Altaf (32) were killed. The BNP boycotted the polls of all 10 Union Parishads under Sonargaon Upazila in Narayanganj, over allegations of widespread irregularities and vote-rigging. A defeated member candidate tore up more than a hundred ballot papers at Mograpara High School polling centre of Mograpara Union. As a result, an altercation took place. A ballot box was snatched away from Kabilganj polling centre of Mograpara Union, by a group led by Sujan, General Secretary of the district unit Chhatra League. At that time police fired five rounds of bullets. During the chase between the two parties at Lakkhirbardi area of Noagaon Union, a man named Edris Ali (75) was killed. On the day of voting, at around 11:30 am, some miscreants snatched a hundred-page ballot book of a male member candidate at Dudghata Government Primary School polling centre. At around 12:00 noon, Babul Shil  (57)  was  killed  in  a  clash  that  occurred  between  supporters  of  two member candidates in Asad Ali Mazar polling centre of Ashiya Union, under Patiya Upazila in Chittagong. An altercation took place between supporters of AL-nominated candidate Didarul Alam and AL-rebel candidate Abdul Mannan, at Shahmirpur Government Primary School polling centre of Bara Uthan Union, at around 1:00 pm. Mohammad Yasin (41), Member candidate of ward-6 of Bara Uthan Union and rickshaw puller, Nurul Islam (50) were injured by sharp weapons. Mohammad Yasin died on the spot and Nurul Islam died on the way to hospital.

20.             The electoral system has collapsed totally under the present government. People are deprived of their right to franchise. The Caretaker Government system was incorporated in the Constitution through the 13th Amendment, as a result of people’s movement led by the then Opposition Awami League and its alliance between 1994 and 1996. However, in 2011 the Caretaker Government system were removed unilaterally by the Awami League government through the 15th Amendment to the Constitution, without any referendum and ignoring the protests from various sectors; and a provision was made that elections were now to be held under the incumbent government. As a result, the farcical 10th parliamentary elections were held on January 5, 2014, despite the boycotting of this election by a large majority of political parties. Acts of criminalisation in the electoral system were initiated through this election. Since then, all local government polls were marred by widespread and widely reported irregularities, violence and vote rigging. As a result, incidents of widespread human rights violations commenced across the country. Odhikar believes that the rise of extremism has flourished in the country in the absence of an accountable government. Ensuring transparent, creditable, free, fair and unbiased elections is the constitutional responsibility of the Election Commission (EC). However, the EC has totally failed to deliver. It is unfortunate that the EC also made public claims of fair and peaceful elections in order to disguise its failure.

Allegations of enforced disappearance

21.              Enforced disappearance is a grave violation of fundamental human rights. It is a repressive tool used by governments. The crime of enforced disappearance violates several of an individual’s human rights such as freedom of expression, thought and conscience; freedom of association; and the right to justice and fair trial. The victims of enforced disappearances are often tortured and live in fear and uncertainty. In recent times, many people have disappeared after being picked up by men claiming to be members of law enforcement agencies.  The  families  of  the  disappeared  claim  that

members of law enforcement agencies arrest and take away the victims and then they are no longer found. In some cases, law enforcement agencies deny the arrest; but days later, the arrested persons are produced before the public by the police or law enforcement; or handed over to a police station and appear in court, or the bodies of the disappeared persons are recovered.

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22.             Every year, during the last week of May, the associations of families of the disappeared across the world commemorate the International Week of the Disappeared (IWD). The International Week of the Disappeared was first initiated by the Latin American Federation of Associations of Relatives of Disappeared-Detainees (FEDEFAM) in 1981. The commemoration was also meant to step up the campaign against enforced disappearances which were then at their peak during the dark years of the dictatorship in many Latin American countries. The International Week of the Disappeared was also observed in Bangladesh from May 23 to 27. On May 24, 2016 a press conference was held in Panchagarh by Ruhul Amin, father of Imam Hassan Badal, who was disappeared in 2012 by the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB). Ruhul Amin appealed to the government for the return of his son. In December 2013, eight youths were disappeared together and later on, 11 more men were disappeared from Dhaka. On May 26 the families of these 19 victims of enforced disappearance organised a human chain in front of the National Press Club in Dhaka to demand their return. On May 26, 2016 Badsha Mia, son of Boli Munsur, who was disappeared on March 27, 2013 from Chittagong, organised a press conference at the Chittagong Metropolitan Journalists Union to demand the return of his father. On May 12, 2016 an electrician named Monirul Islam Babu (28) was picked up by men claiming to be members of the Detective Branch of Police from Khalishpur in Khulna. The same day, Abdullah Al Sayem Turjo (25), a teacher of the Bangla Department of Bismillah Nagar Madrassa under Harintana Police Station, was picked up by a few plain clothed men and put into a white microbus bearing a sticker ‘Emergency Electricity’. Another teacher of the Arabic Department of  the same madrassa, Shoaib Biswas (26) was disappeared after he left home for the madrassa. On May 26, 2016 the family members of these three disappeared victims conducted a joint press conference in Khulna Press Club, asking for the return of the men.

23.             According to information gathered by Odhikar, in May 2016, 12 persons have been disappeared. Of them, one was shown as arrested and the whereabouts of 11 persons are still unknown.

24.             On May 3, 2016 a few men in plain clothes, claiming to be members of the Detective Branch (DB) of Police, allegedly picked up Moulana Mohammad Akhter Hossain, Imam of Pirgachha Railway Station Jame Mosque and Pirgachha J  N High School, from Birbiriapara under Pirgacha Upazila in Rangpur. His brother Mushfiqur Rahman informed Odhikar that their ancestral home was located at Sijon Puku area in Pirgachha but Akhter Hossain used to live in his in-law’s house at Birbiriapara to be closer to his work. At around 10:00 pm, a few men came to his house at Sijonpukur area and called Mushfiqur Rahman out to talk about the UP elections. Later the men put him into a microbus which was parked outside and took his cell phone. After that, they asked him where Akhter Hossain was. When he gave Akhter Hossain’s in-laws home address, they took him there with them. Mushfiqur saw a few more people in the microbus with wireless radio sets. The men stopped the microbus in front of Akhter’s in-laws’ house and asked Mushfiq to call him. The man who entered their home with Mushfiq, identified himself as a member of DB police and said that they need to talk to Akhter in relation to a matter and Akhter will be back in half an hour. At that time the men also took Akhter’s cell phone. After that Akhter and Mushfiq were taken away. Mushfiq was dropped in front of Pirgachha Union Parishad and the microbus left with Akhter. On May 4, 2016 the families of Akhter Hossain search for him at Pirgachha Police Station, Rangpur DB office and RAB office, but none of the law enforcers acknowledged the arrest of Akhter Hossain. Till date his whereabouts are still unknown. On May 6 Mushfiq went to Pirgachha Police Station to file a General Diary (GD) in this regard but the duty officer refused to accept the GD.

25.              On May 12, 2016 an electrician named Monirul Islam Babu (28) was picked up by men claiming to be DB police, from Khalishpur in Khulna. The same day, Abdullah Al Sayem Turjo (25), a teacher of the Bangla Department of Bismillah Nagar Madrassa under Harintana Police Station, was picked up by a few plain clothed men and put into a white microbus bearing a sticker ‘Emergency Electricity’. Another teacher of the Arabic Department of the same madrassa, Shoaib Biswas (26) was disappeared when he was on his way to the madrassa. The whereabouts of the men remain unknown. The families of the disappeared victims filed separate case and General Diaries with Khalishpur and Harinhata Police Stations. Monirul Islam’s father Masudur Rahman said that on May 12 at around 10:00 pm, a man came to their home with Boira CSD Warehouse security guard Monir and called his son Monirul out and spoke with him. A few minutes later, about six men, including the one who came with Monir, entered their home and forcibly took Monirul away, after identifying themselves as DB police. Among them, two men had wireless radios and two others had pistols in their waist. They put Monirul into a white microbus, which was parked in front of the CSD Warehouse gate. A labour leader Badal Islam saw the occurrence and approached them but the men in plain clothes said they were DB police and asked him to go to the Khalishpur Police Station and left in the microbus. On May 13, he filed a GD with Khalishpur Police Station. An eye-witness and teacher of Bismillah Nagar Madrassa, Mufti Hafizur Rahman informed Odhikar that on May 12 at around 6:30 pm, he  and his colleague  Abdullah Al Sayem Turjo left the madrassa on by-cycles. When they reached near Mostor intersection, a man, wearing panjabi-paijama, stopped their way. A white microbus bearing a sticker ‘Emergency Electricity’ was parked nearby. The man asked for their names and identities. The man asked Turjo to stay and Hafizur to leave. Later Hafizur saw Turjo getting into the microbus with some men. At that time he tried to call the Principal of the madrassa, Ilias Hossain to inform him of the matter. The microbus approached him and a man came out and took his cell phone away. The man said, “Who were you calling? Do you want to come with us?” They told him to take Turjo’s by-cycle with him. On May 13, 2016 Turjo’s father Shahidul Islam, who is a retired banker, filed a kidnapping case with Harintana Police Station accusing some unknown persons. On May 12, 2016 at around 10:30 am, Shoaib Biswas, teacher of the Arabic Department of Harintana Bismillah Nagar Madrassa, was disappeared on the way to the madrassa. His father Moulana Abdus Sattar told Odhikar that his son left home but never got to the Madrassa and his whereabouts are unknown since then. Shoaib’s cell phone was switched on till May 13, but nobody received any call. He believes that Shoaib Biswas had been picked up by the members of law enforcement agency. On May 13, he filed a GD with Khalishpur Police Station.

26.             On April 22, 2016 three youth, Suraj Ali (22), Dulal Hossain (24) and Liton Islam (20) from Hazaribagh in Dhaka; and on May 11, three brothers namely Tikka Sardar (30), Ershad Sardar (25) and Saddam Sardar (20); and two men namely Dulal Hossain (35) and Rony Promanik (35) were allegedly picked up by men claiming to be law enforcement agencies from Khagrabaria Village under Faridpur Upazila in Pabna. On the same day, a garment worker named Abu Sayeed (35) was picked up by  law enforcers and disappeared from Gazipur and on May 22, another man named Ramjan (38) was picked up from Rangunia in Chittagong by men claiming to be from a law enforcement agency. Such allegations were made by the families of the disappeared victims. Except for Abu Sayeed, all nine disappeared persons are residents of Faridpur Upazila in Pabna  District. On May 25, 2016 the families  of the disappeared victims organised a press conference in Pabna Press Club and alleged that their relatives were picked up by men claiming to be the members of law enforcement agencies. They also demand their return. Meanwhile on May 28, 2016 a press conference was organised on behalf of the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) and it claimed that Ramjan (38), Suraj Ali (22), Dulal Hossain (24) and Liton Islam (20) were arrested on May 27 from Paltan area in Dhaka. Three of the men, except Liton  Islam, are accused of the murder of Jubo Dal leader Saiful Islam in Savar village under Faridpur Upazila in Pabna.47

28. Odhikar expresses grave concern over the persistent incidents of enforced disappearance. Enforced disappearance is a crime against humanity, which also is considered an international crime. This has to be stopped and punishment of the perpetrators must be ensured.

Extrajudicial killings

29. The law and justice delivery system of the country is becoming increasingly unstable and human rights are blatantly violated, due to the persistence of extrajudicial killings. This questions the level of rule of law in this country. According to information gathered by Odhikar, in May 2016, five persons were reportedly killed extra judicially.

Type of death

‘Crossfire/encounters/gunfights’

30.  Three persons were killed by ‘crossfire/encounters/gunfights’. Two of them were killed by police and one by RAB.

Torture to death

31.  Two persons were torture to death by police during this period.

The identity of the deceased:

32.  Of the five persons who were killed extra-judicially, one is an accused of a specific case, three were alleged criminals and the identity of one person could not be determined.

Death in jail

33.  In May 2016, a reported nine persons died in prison due to ‘illness’.

34.  It is alleged that due to lack of proper treatment facilities and negligence by the prison authorities, many prisoners become ill. Furthermore, allegations are made by inmates that they are given sub-standard and small amounts of food; and that the prisoners are ill-treated when they complain against such treatment. Again, there have been instances where persons who are abused in police custody and fall gravely ill, succumb to their mistreatment in jail custody, where they are sent by the court.

Student leader died in Rajshahi Central Jail

36. Islami Chhatra Shibir leader Hafizur Rahman, who was arrested in connection with a case involving the murder of Rajshahi University teacher Professor Dr. Rezaul Karim Siddiqui died in Rajshahi Medical College Hospital while under treatment. On May 17, 2016 Hafizur was admitted to Rajshahi Medical College Hospital after he fell ill in jail. On May 19 at around 4:30 am, he died. Hafizur Rahman, a student of Public Administration in Rajshahi University and the General Secretary of ward-19 unit of Chhatra Shibir, was detained from Chhotobongram area of Rajshahi Metropolitan City as a suspect in the death of Professor Dr. Rezaul Karim. On April 28, 2016, Hafizur was shown as arrested in the case and was produced before the Rajshahi Metropolitan Magistrate Court where police asked for a 7-day remand. After hearing the matter, the Magistrate, Moksheda Azgar granted a 4-day remand. He was sent to Rajshahi Central Jail after interrogation in the DB office for four days.

37. Hafizur Rahman’s father, Hossain Molla said that his son was arrested under a false allegation and he died in jail due torture by police and lack of medical treatment. His elder brother Habibur Rahman alleged that Hafizur had been accused in the case deliberately and tortured after being taken into remand. After remand he was taken to jail in serious condition.51

38. Odhikar demands the better treatment for all inmates in every jail and jail hospital. Deprivation of fundamental rights in jail is a violation of human rights. Odhikar also demands the government take measures to stop torture in remand.

Attacks and harassment on inhabitants of Gondamara in Banshkhali continue

39. A private company called S. Alam Group signed an agreement with the government to set up a coal based power plant in Gondamara area under Banshkahli Upazila in Chittagong District. This set off disputes between local inhabitants and S. Alam Group from the beginning, over acquiring land for this project. On April 4, locals organised a meeting in Gondamara area under the banner of ‘Committee to Protect House and Land’. In the meanwhile, the Union unit Awami League leader Shamsul Alam, who is also a follower of Awami League MP Mostafizur Rahman, called another meeting at the same place in favour of the coal based power plant. The local administration imposed Section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure due to both meetings being simultaneously cancelled in the same place. However, police and criminals shot at local people when they tried to assemble there, violating section 144. As a result more than one hundred people were injured. Among them, Mortuza Ali (52) of Gondamara Village; and his brother Ankur Ali, Zaker Ahmed (35) and Zahir Uddin were shot dead. Three separate cases were filed with Banshkhali Police Station in this regard. Of these cases, one was filed by police and the other two were filed by victim-families. In the cases filed by police, 57 people, including former Chairman of Gondamara Union Parishad, Liakat Ali’s name were mentioned. Furthermore, three thousand two hundred unknown people were accused in the FIR.

40. On April 16, 2016 at a meeting in Chittagong Circuit House, the Deputy Commissioner (DC) Mezbah Uddin said that now they believe that the land owners of Gondamara area did not get adequate price for their land. He added that some thugs and brokers took the money; and as a result, locals got annoyed. The DC also said that Police would not make arrests anymore and that those who were arrested will get bail if they appeal for it. Moreover, he added that the case filed in relation to clashes will be withdrawn. Soon after the commitment of the DC, incidents of attack, arrests and harassment by police increased.

41. On May 6, 2016 police of Dhanmondi Police Station under Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) arrested Mohammad Ali Nobi (45) and Mohammad Shafiul Alam Shahi (29), residents of Sonaia Borbari village of Gondamara Union, under a case filed in Banshkhali Police Station (case numbered 7) over attacks on police. They were brought to Chittagong the same day and police of Banshkhali Police Station went for an arms recovery operation with them. In a press release of Banshkhali Police Station it is stated that on May 7 in the morning, two arms and four rounds of live bullets were recovered from under the Gondamara Bridge. A case was filed with Banshkhali Police Station in this regard under section 19 of the Arms Act 1878.

42.  On May 16, 2016 police arrested Dudu Mia, father of Liakat Ali, Convener of the Committee to Protect House and Land and one of the leaders of the Gondamara coal based power plant protest movement. Dudu Mia was arrested in an allegation of attacks on police during  protests. Police also claimed that arms were recovered from Liakat Ali’s home. When people protested this incident, police allegedly opened fire on local people of Gondamara and baton charged them. At least 50 people were injured.56

43.  Odhikar observes with concern that no one was arrested so far in connection with the killings in Banshkhali. However, police  are arresting the  family members of the deceased and wounded persons, who were in protest of these killings; and innocent villagers. Furthermore, others have been implicated into false cases in the name of ‘arms recovery’ and death threats were given to some. At the same time mass complaints and cases filed against large numbers of unknown persons have resulted in grave human rights violations.

Other unlawful acts by members of law enforcement agencies

44.  On May 11, 2016 five police officers, including Sub Inspector (SI) of Mirpur Police Station, Rasheduzzaman Beg and ASI Ziaur Rahman went to the residence of Jubo Dal leader of Dhaka Metropolitan unit, Ismail at Darus- Salam area in Mirpur and asked for him. The family of Ismail informed police that they did not know where he was. As a result, police took his wife Hamida with them to Mirpur Police Station and interrogated her about her husband. As Hamida could not tell the police the whereabouts of Ismail, police threatened to send her to prison, showing her as arrested in a drugs case. Later police demanded five hundred thousand taka bribe from her. Ismail’s family gave police sixty thousand taka for releasing Hamida. On May 12, police showed her as arrested in a drugs related case after failing to get the money demanded; and appealed for a five-day remand after producing her in the Court. The Court granted one-day remand. Though police took Hamida from her residence, it is mentioned in the FIR that police arrested Hamida with drugs from in front of Mizan Tower at Kalyanpur, Dhaka while police was on duty at Technical Intersection in Mirpur. Moreover, a car registered under Dhaka-Metro-Ga-17-0959 number was shown as seized and the driver of that car, Sumon, was also shown as accused in the same case. At present Hamida is detained in Dhaka Central Jail.

45.              The present government is adhering to the practice of using the law enforcement agencies against its political opponents and arresting and harassing the leaders and activists of the opposition political parties. They are even arresting family members. Odhikar condemns such incidents and expresses its grievances at the state of law and order. Odhikar believes that such unlawful activities are increasing due to impunity of law enforcement agencies, disregard to the proper and due process of appointment and promotion and using law enforcemt politically in favour of the ruling party for the sake of their vested interest.

Public lynching continues

46. In May 2016, three people, who allegedly were robbers, were reportedly killed due to public lynching.

47. Due to a weak criminal justice system, lack of respect for law, distrust of the police and instability in the country, the tendency to resort to public lynching is increasing, as people are losing their confidence and faith in the police and judicial system. At the same time, the social fabric is crumbling resulting in insensitivity, insecurity, lack of empathy and fear. As a result, incidents of killings by mob violence continue.

Human rights violations by BSF in border areas

48.  According to information collected by Odhikar, in May 2016, four Bangladeshi citizens were gunned down by the Indian Border Security Force (BSF).

49.  We have noticed that BSF has been, over the years, repeatedly killing or physically harming anyone seen near the border or anyone trying to cross the border; and also attacked Bangladeshi citizens by illegally entering Bangladesh, which are clear violations of international law and human rights. A Director General level meeting between the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) and the Indian Border Security Force (BSF) commenced in Dhaka on May 11, 2016 and continued till May 16. During the meeting, on May 14, BSF members shot dead a school student in Chuadanga. An independent and sovereign state cannot passively watch its citizens being indiscriminately killed, tortured and abducted by another state. However, such incidents continue.

50. On May 14, 2016 Shihab Uddin (15), a student of class IX, along with Sabuj Hossain (16), Biplob Hossain (15) and Alam Hossain (15) of Goalpara Village went to a mango orchard adjacent to the Indian border fence near the main pillar 66 at Shimanto Union under Jibonnagar Upazila in Chuadanga District. At around 10:00 am, BSF members of Banpur Helencha Camp detained the three boys and tortured them, claiming the mango orchard was India’s property. At that time Shihab tried to escape torture by BSF and started to run but BSF members shot him, leaving him seriously wounded. After being freed by  the  BSF,  Sabuj,  Biplob  and  Alam  took  Shihab  to  Jibon  Nagar  Health Complex where the duty doctor declared him dead.59 Seven BSF members, including the Banupur BSF Camp Commander A. C. Unbhab Abraiya were suspended due to this incident.

52. On May 23, 2016 at around 3:30 pm, a Bangladeshi farmer, Mohammad Sujon was cutting grass for his cows near the international main pillar 438 at Sarialjot border, under Tetulia Upazila in Panchagarh District. At that time BSF members of Lichugach Border Outpost of India shot him. Locals rescued Sujon and took him to Tetulia Upazila Health Complex where the duty doctor declared him dead.

53. Odhikar observes with grave concern that the government has not taken any effective steps to stop human rights violations at the border by BSF, despite the issue being repeatedly raised by human rights groups. Furthermore, no initiative was taken by the Bangladesh Government to investigate and make the Indian Government accountable and compensate the victims or the families of the victims.

Human rights violations on religious minority communities

54. At a press conference on April 22, 2016, the Hindu-Buddha-Christian Oikya Parishad alleged that the human rights situation of citizens belonging to minority communities is deplorable. On behalf of the organisation, it stated that incidents of violence against minority communities had tripled in the first three months of 2016, compared to the whole of 2015. Such incidents occur due to the unavailability of justice for similar incidents that took place in the past; and also due to the politicisation of these incidents.

55. On May 14, 2016 the body of a Buddhist monk named Dhamma Wasa (70) was recovered from a monastery in Chakpara Village of Baishbari Union, under Naikkhongchhori Upazila in Bandarban District. Criminals had stabbed him to death with sharp weapons. Police suspected that he was killed in the night of May 13, 2016. Police arrested Hlamong Chak of the Chak community and two Rohingya refugees named Ziauddin and Abdur Rafim, in this regard.

56. Odhikar condemns the killing of the Buddhist monk which is another incident in a growing list of deaths and threats against religious leaders belonging to minority communities. Odhikar also expresses grave concern over incidents of land grabbing, intimidation, extortion and various kinds of illegal   activities,   including   attacks   on   members   of   religious   minority communities; and on their places of worship.

Violence against women

57.  Violence against women continues and most of the victims are not getting justice due to a culture of impunity.

Rape

58.  In May 2016, Odhikar recorded a total number of 66 females who were raped. Among them, 14 were women, 51 were children below the age of 16 and the age of one victim was not determined. Of the women, two were killed after being raped and five were victims of gang rape. Out of the 51 child victims, six were victims of gang rape and two were killed after being raped. 14 women and children were victims of attempted rape.

59. On March 20, 2016 at around 11:00 pm, the body of a second year (Honours) student of the History Department in Comilla Victoria Government University College and theater activist, Shohagi Jahan Tonu (19) was found in a bush in the Comilla Cantonment area. The first post mortem was conducted in the morgue of Comilla Medical College Hospital the next day. On April 4, 2016 a post-mortem report was submitted. It was stated in the report that the actual reason for the death of Tonu could not be identified. Wounds at the back of the head were not mentioned in the post-mortem report and scratch marks on the throat was mentioned as insect bites. The Court ordered a second autopsy by forming a medical board after widespread protests. A three member medical board led by Dr. Kamda Prashad Saha, Associate Professor of Forensic Medicine Department of Comilla Medical College, conducted the second autopsy. Tonu’s body was exhumed and samples were collected from the body for DNA test. The investigating officer of the case, Special Superintendent of Police of CID, Mohammad Shah Abid ensured that evidence of rape was found after the DNA test.66 It has now become doubtful as to whether the post-mortems of other incidents of rape and killing were properly and fairly done without any external influence, as discrepancies were found between the post-mortem and DNA tests in the Tonu murder case. In such cases, there have been allegations against doctors, of altering the autopsy reports due to bribe or pressure from the higher authority.

60. On May 12, 2016 a part-time teacher of Ambrakakon High School of Bhoberpara Village under Mujibnagar Upazila in Meherpur District came to Kushtia for taking the School Teachers Registration Examination on May 13, 2016 with Shariful Islam, the Head Teacher of the same school, in Kushtia town. They were staying at Al-Amin Hotel in separate rooms. In the morning when she was preparing to go to the exam hall, the Head teacher Shariful forcibly entered her room and raped her. Later she was admitted to Kushtia General Hospital. Police ‘could not’ arrest the rapist head teacher Shariful Islam.

Dowry-related violence

61.  In May 2016, according to Odhikar documentation, 12 women were subjected to dowry violence. Of these women, it has been alleged that seven were killed and four were physically abused over dowry demands. During this time, one woman committed suicide due to dowry violence.

62. A housewife named Naznin Akhter Nazu was allegedly killed over dowry demands in Baghmuchha area under Sonargaon Municipality in Narayanganj District. Six years ago Naznin Akhter Nazu of Rajapur Upazila under Jhalokathi District married Anisur Rahman of Baghmuchha village under Sonargaon Municipality in Narayanganj. They have a four-year old daughter named Anusha. Domestic violence began soon after the marriage over dowry demands by her husband. Naznin had filed a complaint with  the police station against her husband Anisur Rahman and brother-in-law Arifur Rahman. On May 1, 2016 Naznin’s body was found hanging from the ceiling fan. Police recovered the body when neighbours informed them. The deceased’s father Ziaul Huq Nannu said that his daughter was killed deliberately for dowry and the body was hung with ceiling fan. Police arrested the deceased’s sister-in-law Baby in this regard. The members of Naznin’s in-laws family have been in hiding after the incident.

Acid violence

63. According to information gathered by Odhikar, in May 2016, it was reported that one woman, one girl and two men became victims of acid violence.

64. On May 4, 2016 a Madrassa student of class X named Dipa Rubaiya Ritu (16) was studying at home in Gopinathpur Village under Mithapukur Upazila in Rangpur District. At that time criminals threw acid on her through the window, which burnt different parts of the body, including her face. She was admitted to the burn unit of Rangpur Medical College Hospital.

Sexual harassment

65. According to information gathered by Odhikar, in May 2016, a total of 16 girls (below the age of 18) and women were victims of sexual harassment. Of them one was injured, one was assaulted and 13 were victims of stalking. However, one girl committed suicide due to sexual harassment.

66. On May 21, 2016 a female student of class IX, of Tajek Prodhan High School at Gognagar area in Narayanganj, was sexually harassed by school teacher Ibrahim Khalil, in an empty classroom. Hearing the shouting of the girl, people approached and beat the teacher. Later police reached the school and brought Ibrahim Khalil to the police station. The victim of sexual harassment filed a case against teacher Ibrahim Khalil and then police showed him as arrested.

Anti Corruption Commission and its accountability

67. The Anti Corruption Commission (ACC) was formed under the Anti Corruption Commission Act, 2004 in order to prevent corruption in the country and to investigate other specific crimes, including forgery. According to Article 2 of this Act, “This Commission will be independent and impartial”. As per law, the ACC will act as an independent and neutral institution, but the ACC is unable to play an independent or neutral role. ACC is functioning as per instructions of the ruling party, which has been reflected in several of its activities. The ACC had initiated investigation into acts of corruption by the former Ministers, Members of Parliament, influential politicians and bureaucrats. However, most of the accused persons under investigation are being given a ‘clean chit’ by the ACC, which is filing the cases secretly. ACC has given ‘clean chit’ to 23,000 influential persons after investigation and filing cases through final reports in eight years.

68. Between January and August 2014, about 1600 politicians backed by the ruling party and high-level government officers were given clean chits. Among them, the ACC has given impunity to 10 persons, including former Communication Minister, Syed Abul Hossain for the Padma Bridge scam; and former Health Minister AFM Ruhul Huq for possessing illegal property. Furthermore, allegations of corruption have been removed in eight months, from the Deputy Leader of the Parliament, Sajeda Chowdhury; former Health Affairs Adviser to the Prime Minister, Syed Modasser Ali; Health Minister, Mohammad Nasim; and former Ambassador of Bangladesh to the Philippines, Mazeda Rafiqun Nesa.

69. The Commission also removed the allegations brought against some senior leaders of Awami League and some men associated with the ruling party in 2013. Among them, the Commission acquitted former parliamentarian HBM Iqbal and former Chief Whip and Awami League leader Abul Hasnat Abdullah from two cases. In June 2013, the ACC acquitted former Minister Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir from an allegation of corruption. In addition to this, several government officers were given clean chit and acquitted from cases. In the meanwhile, the ACC continues legal proceedings under the cases filed against top leaders of the opposition BNP.

70.  Whether an investigation against corruption should be conducted or not depends on the willingness of the officers of the Anti Corruption Commission. Sometimes investigations are not carried out, despite having concrete evidence of corruption against many people. In the meanwhile, the ACC initiates investigations in some cases by making them public but lacking specific information, allegations and evidence. About 50 officials of the Anti Corruption Commission have been involved in taking bribes from persons under investigation in order to set them free. There were allegations that the ACC officials demanded bribes from the accused by threatening to file case against them, investigate and provide charge sheets. Most of the victims did not dare to complaint to the ACC, but made allegations to some intelligence agencies.

71. Odhikar too faces harassment from the ACC. On August 10, 2013 men from the law enforcement agency picked up Odhikar’s Secretary Adilur Rahman Khan without warrant and showed him arrested under the ICT Act for publishing a fact finding report on extrajudicial killing of 61 persons centering a rally by Hefazate Islam on May 5-6, 2013. Soon after this incident, the Anti Corruption Commission initiated investigations into the financial transactions of Odhikar; which escalated in January 2014 after Adilur Rahman Khan was freed on bail. However, finding no concrete evidence, the investigating officer and Deputy Director of the ACC, Harun-ar-Rashid recommended to the Commission to settle the matter as ‘kept in record’ after investigating Odhikar for one and half years. However, the Commission has decided to reinvestigate Odhikar as the report submitted by Harun-ar-Rashid was not deemed satisfactory. Deputy Director of the ACC, Jalal Uddin Ahammad has been given authority to investigate the matter again. On May 22, 2016 at around 5:30 pm, a letter signed by Jalal Uddin Ahammad, the Deputy Director of the Anti Corruption Commission came to Odhikar’s Secretary Adilur Rahman Khan. It was an allegation of money laundering against Odhikar by the ACC and about hearing and recording the statement of a relevant person of the Organisation. The ACC mentioned that 97,000 Euro came as remittance to Standard Chartered Bank for Odhikar, but they did not mention any date of such transaction. 97,000 Euro did not come as remittance to Standard Chartered Bank. The amount of Euro, which was mentioned by ACC, was not correct. Rather, 97,501.07 Euro, equivalent to 9,487,010.11 Taka (1 Euro=97.30 taka) as the project money for the 2nd year of the European Union-funded project, was credited to Odhikar’s mother-account at Standard  Chartered Bank on July 8, 2013, with the permission of the NGO Affairs Bureau (NGOAB). With the permission of the NGOAB, Odhikar withdrew funds from the total amount and spent it for the implementation of project activities. The remaining fund is still in the said bank account, because the NGOAB did not approve of the remaining fund to be withdrawn from the bank. As a result, it was not possible to implement the project activities completely. It is to be noted that an agreement was signed between the European Union and Odhikar for a two-year project, titled ‘Education on the Convention against Torture and OPCAT Awareness Programme in Bangladesh’. The total budget of the project was 196,710.12 Euro. The NGOAB gave permission to deposit the money in the mother-account of the organisation; and to spend the money during the project period in 24 months. The duration of the project was amended thrice and also the budget needed to be amended because of the delay from NGOAB. All the expenditures of the project were audited by the Audit Company which was approved by NGOAB and European Union; and the audit report was submitted to both institutes.

72. Odhikar believes that there is no lack of transparency about the 97,501.07 Euro (although the ACC wrongly mentioned 97,000 Euro). So, the allegation of money laundering against Odhikar is totally baseless and tantamount to harassment. It is to be mentioned that Odhikar can not only account for the 97,501.07 Euro but also ensures accountability and transparency in its all activities.

73. The Anti Corruption Commission is harassing Odhikar as part of the repressive acts of the present government. Odhikar has been criticising the discriminatory actions of the ACC and its non-transparent activities. Odhikar has also been asking for the annual income and expenditure of ACC officials to be published on the ACC website. The ACC can investigate Odhikar’s financial transaction any time with due process of law. But in the name of ‘summoning’ and threats to ‘taking measures’ despite submitting all relevant documents related to projects to the NGO Affairs Bureau, are tantamount to repression. The ACC is harassing Odhikar in the name of ‘investigation’ keeping the information of the complainant and the description of the allegations secret, which proves that ACC is working as subservient institution to the government. Odhikar believes that the ACC is trying to damage its reputation and make its achievements controversial in order to stop  its  human  rights  work,  by  following  the  repressive  dictates  of  the government.

Statistics: January-May 2016*
Type of Human Rights Violation			January	February	March	April	May	Total
Extrajudicial killings		Crossfire	6	10	11	7	3	37
		Shot to death	2	0	0	4	0	6
		Torture to death	1	2	0	0	2	5
		Total	9	12	11	11	5	48
Shot on legs by law enforcement agencies			2	0	2	3	0	7
Enforced Disappearances			6	1	9	11	12	39
Death in Jail			8	3	4	5	9	29
Human rights violations by Indian BSF		Bangladeshis Killed	3	1	1	2	4	11
		Bangladeshis Injured	4	4	0	2	3	13
		Bangladeshis Abducted	0	5	0	2	0	7
Attack on journalists		Injured	9	2	5	6	6	28
		Assaulted	9	1	0	0	0	10
Local Government Elections	Municipality Elections	Killed	0	0	1	0	0	1
		Injured	0	0	58	0	0	58
	Union Parishad Elections	Killed	0	2	41	27	45	115
		Injured	0	140	2127	1201	1485	4953
Dowry related violence against women			22	19	14	16	12	83
Rape			59	57	60	75	66	317
Sexual harassment /Stalking against women			27	23	20	25	16	111
Acid Throwing			4	4	3	4	4	19
Public lynching			2	11	5	6	3	27
Situation of Ready-made Garments Workers		Burnt to death	0	0	0	0	3	3
		Injured	25	31	12	34	18	120
Arrest under Information and Communication Technology Act			1	4	0	1	1	7

Recommendations

1.  Interference to freedom of expression and of the media must be stopped immediately. The Government must withdraw cases filed against all human rights defenders and journalists; and it should also bring the perpetrators to justice through proper and unbiased investigation. The ban on the publication of the daily Amar Desh and the broadcasting of Diganta TV, Islamic TV and Channel One should be removed. All persons who were detained for political reasons or for expressing their opinions and thoughts, including the senior and elderly journalist Shafik Rehman, Acting Editor of the daily Amar Desh Mahmudur Rahman and BFUJ President Shawkat Mahmud should be released immediately. Perpetrators who are involved in the killings of bloggers, online activists, teachers, members of the minority communities should be brought to justice. All repressive laws, including the Information and Communication Technology Act, 2006 (amendment 2009, 2013) and the Special Powers Act, 1974 must be repealed. Monitoring on the social media and internet should be stopped. Furthermore, the proposed enactment of recent repressive laws ‘Distortion of the History of Bangladesh Liberation War Crimes Act 2016’ and ‘National Broadcasting Act 2016’ should be halted; and the section that halts media under the Press Council (amendment) Act 2016 must be repealed.

2.   Free fair and inclusive parliamentary elections should be held under a neutral government or under the supervision of the United Nations; and initiatives should be taken for the restoration of democracy and the voting rights of the people and for fixing dysfunctional institutions.

3.   Incidents of extrajudicial killings and torture by law enforcement agencies must be investigated and the perpetrators be brought to effective justice.

4.  The law enforcement agencies must follow international guidelines “Basic Principles on the use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials” and the “UN Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials”. The Government must ratify the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture; and effectively implement the Torture and Custodial Death (Prevention) Act, 2013. Perpetrators involved in the killings in Banshkhali must be arrested and the government must stop arresting and harassing people who protested the Banshkhali carnage.

5.   The Government has to explain all incidents of enforced disappearance and post-disappearance killings, allegedly perpetrated by law enforcement agencies. All victims of disappearance should be returned to their families. The Government must bring the erring members of the security and law enforcement agencies to justice before the law. Odhikar urges the government to accede to the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, adopted by the UN on December 20, 2006.

6.  The Government should protest strongly against human rights violations on Bangladeshi citizens by the Indian Border Security Force (BSF) and take initiatives to investigate and make the Indian Government accountable and compensate the families of the victims. The Government should also ensure the safety and security of the Bangladeshi citizens residing at the border areas.

7.  Attacks and repression on all minority communities must be stopped. The Government should take all measures to protect the rights of the citizens belonging to religious, ethnic and linguistic minority communities and ensure their security.

8.     The Government must ensure the effective implementation of laws to stop violence against women and children and the offenders must be effectively punished under prevalent laws. The Government should also execute mass awareness programmes in the print and electronic media, in order to eliminate violence against women.

9.   The annual income and expenditure of all Anti Corruption Commission officials should be made public and uploaded on the ACC website. Transparency need to be ensured in the recruitment process of the ACC in order to make it functional in transparent and accountable manner.

Tel: +88-02-9888587, Fax: +88-02-9886208

Email: odhikar.bd@gmail.com, odhikar.documentation@gmail.com Website: www.odhikar.org

Notes:

1.    Odhikar seeks to uphold the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of the people.

2.   Odhikar documents and records violations of human rights and receives information from its network of human rights defenders and monitors media reports in twelve national daily newspapers.

3.   Odhikar conducts detailed fact-finding investigations into some of the most significant violations, with assistance from trained local human rights defenders.

4.  Odhikar is consistent in its human rights reporting and is committed to remain so.