Gazipur ‘national’ election

Shaukat Mahmood

You don’t hear about ‘fair play’ in the FIFA World Cup anymore. It’s not needed. The flurry of fouls in the first half with no call for penalty, reminds one of prevailing global circumstances and the domestic political style of Trump, Putin and the likes of them.

It seems to be the new normal, like the normality of Gazipur City Corporation elections, following the polls in Khulna. What happened on 26 June exceeded all levels of the 2014 election. The apprehensions concerning the government and the Election Commission were proven to be only too true. The opposition’s doubts were confirmed. The police successfully warded off the polling agents and supporters of the ‘sheaf of paddy’ (the election symbol of the major opposition party BNP). BNP supporters could hardly gather the courage to go to the voting centres. Those who did go, did so with the ‘boat’ badge on display, pretending to be supporters of the ruling Awami League.

The government and the Election Commission chimed in harmony that the election was free, fair and successful, proving Awami League’s popularity was still at the top. There were long lines at the polling centres and the voters cast their votes in peace. When journalists tried to get the real picture of the election, the voters in the queues simply smirked happily.Newspersons of the electronic media couldn’t screen these shots showing long lines outside the centres, but ‘non-boat’ people being obstructed from entering. Inside, supporters of the ruling party were stamping ballot papers one after the after, while the presiding officers and polling officers silently looked on. In some instances, reporters were surrounded by the ‘boat’ hoodlums, as in Mirza Ibrahim Memorial College.

And the top brass of Dhaka’s TV stations werealso too scared to show the actual incidents on ground. After all, calls from the intelligence agencies were still fresh on their mind. Two journalists of two TV channels had lost their jobs for live telecast of election irregularities and it took much time, effort and requests to reinstate them.

The Election Working Group, an election observation organisation, saw 139 types of irregularities in 45.5 centres of the Gazipur election. The US ambassador expressed her concern, saying that this local government election was a leading indicator to the national polls. Awami League’s general secretary, who is also the bridges minister, issued a warning in response: don’t say anything that will harm bilateral ties. An election commissioner, Rafiqul Islam, also said at a programme in Rajshahi, the US ambassador has no right to speak in such a manner. The Prime Minister’s media advisor Iqbal Sobhan Chowdhury said at a News 24 TV talk-show on 30 June night, this was outside of diplomatic norms. The simple fact is that fascism has taken on epidemic proportions.

Basically, it was the police who were the government’s driving force at the Gazipur elections. Police personnel of the government ilk, particularly those from a certain district, were said to have been brought to Gazipur during the city election. They wandered around armed and in plainclothes, instilling fear in the polling agents and BNP supporters alike. Persons picked up were not kept at the police station, but elsewhere, and their families were gripped with fear of ‘crossfire’ killings. The Awami League leaders paid neither heed to the election code of conduct, nor to the Election Commission. Mass arrests were made a day before the voting, despite prohibition from the court and the commission.

A ruling party leader had told me that the local Awami League was not happy with Jahangir being nominated as the party candidate and initially the election had been postponed. Later, however, they patched things up. It is said that the party general secretary Obaidul Quader himself was insistent about this nomination. Another leader had asked him, “If the election is going to be rigged, why not nominate a tested Awami League leader like Azmatullah?”

On the other hand, BNP’s candidate Hasanuddin Sarkar was far ahead in popularity, both among the people and within the party. The party’s central leaders put a lot of effort into the campaign too. But weaknesses in the vote management, less involvement of the city leaders in the committee formed to oversee the election, the committee’s president and general secretary being forced to remain absent by outside forces, fund constraints, and failure to consolidate a faction of former mayor Mannan’s supporters, are factors that are now being discussed as some of the reasons behind the defeat.

Observers can draw these conclusions from the Khulna and Gazipur city polls. During local and national elections under the present government, this model is likely to be followed: 1. The Election Commission will remain silent and without any reaction. 2. The police will be the muscle behind the voting. 3. It is best to have no opposition candidate, but if there is one, the polling agents will not be allowed to go to the centre. 4. Only voters with the boat badge will be allowed to vote. A recount of votes should have been demanded where 125,000 votes went in favour of the sheaf of paddy in Gazipur. After all, it took so much time and effort to stamp the boat symbol on the ballot papers and to fix the results. 5. Let alone publishing or telecasting any news about irregularities, the newsmen cannot even see such discrepancies. They must only show the long lines of voters and the false festivity. After all, the intelligent agencies have delivered a message: “Watch, but don’t tell.”

This election has delivered Awami League’s message: In no circumstances will an iota of tolerance be displayed towards the opposition. Zero tolerance. Not a single election can be held without rigging. The ruling party had ruled out dialogue with BNP. But the question is, will they be able to maintain this stance? Khulna, Gazipur, Sylhet, Barisal, Rajshahi – they want it all. Who do they want to show that people have full support for development? They want to show that there is only one party, one leader in the country.

In the recent panchayet elections in India’s West Bengal, Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress won. It was even accused of not allowing any opposition party to field candidates in 37 per cent of the seats. The Kolkata High Court took this up and had suspended the results of the election. The magazine Desh’s 2 Jun issue wrote about the ‘strange democratic process’, saying that there was no care about majority, it was all about whether the democratic process could do away with any opposition.

Certain observers contend that the government’s attitude of “everything-is-mine” has given rise to questions in the public mind. Why this shameless exercise to forcefully win the election? How much longer will this continue? Whether it is appointment in government jobs, votes in the local government election, wherever, loyalty is the key. Why? It is so that even if the government steps down before the national election, it will have its band of trusted men.

In the meantime, post-Gazipur, BNP is pondering on certain issues. The leaders realise that joining in such elections is of no use. Yet they cannot stay away either. For at least another month there will be less police pressure. BNP can rise up and reveal the government’s harsh activities. BNP’s standing committee member Barrister Moudud Ahmed said, it depends on the next three city elections whether BNP will join the national election or not.

Meanwhile, BNP is trying to forge a greater political alliance, with the common demand of Sheikh Hasina stepping down as prime minister. The 20-party alliance led by BNP will not contest in the election if held under Sheikh Hasina. As it has no support from international quarters, Awami League is insistent on holding an election, even if forcibly.

•  The writer is Vice Chairman, BNP and a jourlalist leader.